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In spite of Taiwan’s economic prosperity and its global export potential, the island lacks international recognition due to the claims of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to its territory, so Taiwan’s chances of participating in regional integration processes and organisations are significantly limited. The problem of establishing either a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) or Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) as new trade blocs in the Asia-Pacific can be examined in the aspect of Sino-American rivalry. Taiwan remains heavily influenced by the policies of both the PRC and the United States, with this article outlining two scenarios for Taiwan for joining either the RCEP or TPP.
EN
Taiwan’s limited participation in international organizations and institutions depends heavily on its unique, but troublesome position in the world. It results from the fact that in 1949, the Nationalist Party authorities of the Republic of China were established on Taiwan, after the lost war on the continent. Meanwhile, the victorious Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China in the mainland. Throughout the course of the history of divided China, both governments competed for the representation of China in international organizations, however Taiwan’s international presence was largely limited. For example, in 2015 Taiwan participated in 37 international organizations, in addition to the observer’s status in 21 other, most of them of a regional range. It resulted from the development of some alternative strategies, markedly exemplified by Taiwan’s participation in international organizations and institutions in the Asia-Pacific region.
PL
Potęga gospodarki Japonii wymaga zabezpieczania ciągłych i stabilnych dostaw surowców energetycznych, szczególnie że współcześnie państwo to, nie posiadając już własnych zasobów, cechuje się bardzo niską samowystarczalnością energetyczną. Japonia pozostaje jednym z największych w świecie importerów ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego z Bliskiego Wschodu, gdzie koncentruje się znaczna część światowych zasobów tych surowców. Artykuł ma na celu identyfi kację czynników determinujących bezpieczeństwo energetyczne Japonii w kontekście stosunków z państwami Zatoki Perskiej w latach 2007−2016. Badano także ewolucję stosunków między partnerami na skutek katastrofy elektrowni jądrowej w Fukushimie w marcu 2011 r. Uwzględniono przy tym wpływ zjawisk o charakterze globalnym, takich jak zmiany cen ropy naftowej. Wykazano, że stosunki Japonii z państwami Zatoki Perskiej nie ograniczają się jedynie do zabezpieczania dostaw surowców energetycznych, ale wychodzą naprzeciw potrzebom rozwojowym partnerów.
EN
Japan, the third largest economy in the world in terms of GDP, estimated at $4.9 trillion in 2016, the fourth largest exporter and importer with turnover of more than $ 1.2 trillion in 2016, has enormous energy needs and it lacks natural resources. Compete with very low energy self-suffi ciency i.e. 7.7% in 2015, Japan remains the fourth largest importer of energy raw materials in the world, for example, in 2016, it bought 6.4% of world traded oil. In the vast majority the Japanese import of fuels comes from the Middle East − about 80% of crude oil and 25% of natural gas. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), i.e.: Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, and United Arab Emirates, in 2016 were responsible for 24.4% of world crude oil production, with reserves of nearly 29.1% and 11.8% of global natural gas production and 22.1% reserves. Maintaining good relations with such key players on energy markets shapes Japan’s energy security. Accordingly, this article aims at identifying determinants of Japan’s energy security in the context of relations with the GCC states in the years 2007−2016. It also analyzes the change of Japan’s relations with the GCC states as a consequence of the Fukushima nuclear power plant disaster in March 2011 as well as an impact of global phenomena, such as changes in oil prices on Japan’s energy security. In this context, cooperation between Japan and with the GCC countries has gained new signifi cance. Besides that, so far, partners have failed to fi nalize negotiations on the creation of a free trade area.
EN
The gradual shift of the world’s economic and political centre to Asia, as well as the dynamic development of China over the past decades, is of general interest to government officials, business circles, and academia. The research in the field of Chinese studies is accompanied by the development of teaching offer from educational institutions. Studies on China and Chinese language complete the curriculum of educational programs at various levels, from school through university degrees at BA and MA levels to postgraduate. The main aim of the paper is to diagnose the phenomenon related to the growing interest in China studies. The study was conducted in the form of an anonymous questionnaire addressed to students at the Institute of the Middle and Far East of the Jagiellonian University in Kraków between 2019 and 2020, i.e. prior to the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. The research answers the question to what extent study programs meet the needs of educating about China reported by students – clients, offering access to comprehensive and academic-verified knowledge of China and the opportunity to learn Chinese.
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