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Obywatel i państwo

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PL
Podstawowa teza artykułu brzmi: państwo współczesne jest potężne jak nigdy w historii. Ta potęga wyrasta ze znacznych oczekiwań obywateli co do ilości i jakości dóbr dostarczanych przez państwo. Państwa, niezależnie od licznych trudności, te wysokie oczekiwania spełniają. Szczególną siłę państwo ukazało w początkach ekonomicznego kryzysu, który wybuchł w 2008 r. Potęga państwa nie współwystępuje z aktywnym obywatelstwem i nie towarzyszy jej rozwinięta infrastruktura społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Autor eksponuje dualistyczny charakter społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, gdyż obywatele stowarzyszają się w istotnie odmiennych celach: a) aby wywierać wpływ na państwo i w ten sposób uzyskiwać także indywidualne korzyści; b) aby samodzielnie realizować swoje potrzeby w obrębie stowarzyszeń. W Polsce obserwujemy istotne deficyty w wymiarze zarówno indywidualnego obywatelstwa, jak i społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w obu formach.
EN
The main point of the article is that the contemporary state is more powerful than ever in history, and that it derives its strength from its citizens' high expectations regarding the quantity and quality of goods it provides. Despite many difficulties, states satisfy the needs of their citizens - it was particularly evident at the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. However, the strength of the state is not balanced by active citizenship or a well developed civil society. The author exposes a twofold character of civil society whose citizens associate for fundamentally different reasons: a) to have an influence on the state's actions and therefore to ensure its decisions are beneficial for them, b) to fulfill their own needs through the association. In Poland, we can observe a serious deficit of citizenship both on an individual level and on the level of civil society in both its forms.
EN
In this article, in the form of an essay, I raise the issue of responsibility of the government to the public. This analysis is limited to the democratic system, as in the undemocratic regimes power is arbitrary and there are no institutionalized mechanisms of enforcing the authorities’ responsibility. In democracy the elections should be the basic procedure of enforcing the authorities’ responsibility. In practice this does not happen for a number of reasons, in particular because citizens are incompetent and not interested in politics. Moreover, politicians learned how to effectively manage electors’ emotions and conduct. Elections are rather the guise the authorities’ accountability. The legal system to a greater extent guarantees enforcing responsibility, provided that law quite well reflects the interests of the most important social groups, which must be diverse and capable of protecting their interests. Usually in democratic systems these conditions are met.
EN
Objectives: The article is aimed at studying the differentiation of the strength of state identity in selected European countries and attempts to explain the observed tendencies. Research Design & Methods: The empirical part is based upon three waves of the International Social Survey Programme entitled ‘National Identity’. Findings: The results show that state identities in Western European countries are well-developed. Central/Eastern European societies are characterised by lower levels of state identity than Western European ones. We attribute this phenomenon to legacies of the past, especially the to many centuries of economic underdevelopment of the region that was enhanced increased by communism and low levels of social capital in Eastern European societies. Contribution: This study links the state identity of citizens of European countries with their living conditions and past legacies.
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