Invalid votes in local government elections in Poland, in particular at the regional level, are among the most pressing problems of the electoral process. The number of invalid votes is so large that it serves political conflict in which accusations of election fraud are formulated. These are scarcely justified, though, since over 70% of invalid votes in local parliament elections lack an “x” next to the name of any candidate (rather than the addition of another “x” on the ballot). The analysis of this issue indicates that the reason for such a high percentage of invalid votes can be found in some elements of the electoral system. Large constituencies, sometimes of up to a dozen districts, mean political parties marginalize the smallest units (i.e. rural and urban-rural communities) when drawing up electoral lists and running election campaigns. The candidates on electoral lists for local parliaments very rarely come from rural regions, which does not stimulate the interest of their citizens in elections at this level. Consequently, it is the rural and urban-rural communities that have the largest proportion of invalid votes, accounting for 17.13% and 14.50% respectively. The number of invalid votes in the units which submit the largest number of candidates, that is in urban communities, amounts to 7.19% (such a low percentage results from the fact that no elections are run for county councils in towns with county status as city councils operate at this level of authority). These elements of the electoral system are not the only reasons for the phenomenon of invalid votes. It is also encouraged by Poles’ low civic consciousness and their ignorance of fundamental democratic mechanisms, including the principles of electoral law.
The paper attempts to present and explain the determinants of electoral competition and results, thereby influencing local political landscapes after the 2014 local government elections. The primary determinants analyzed in the paper include: (1) changes introduced to local government electoral law; (2) the socio-political situation in Poland before the local government elections; and (3) the character of local political arenas. A study has been carried out which demonstrated that political parties have withdrawn from direct electoral competition at the local level. The municipalities examined evidence that numerous local government activists have perfected the skill of “political adaptation to evolving social sentiments. The changes introduced to the electoral law, in particular the implementation of the majority formula in the elections to municipal councils, have resulted in the following, among other things: (1) mayors and their direct political backgrounds have been additionally empoweredin the local system; (2) election results have become disproportionate; (3) individuals lacking institutional political support have been scarcely interested in taking part in the electoral competition; and (4) councilors have focused on the matters of their own respective constituencies in their work. The most influential factor in local government elections and, thereby decisive in shaping the local system of power is the mayor (president of the town).
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i wyjaśnienie czynników, które wpłynęły na strukturę rywalizacji wyborczej oraz wynik wyborów, a w konsekwencji lokalne sceny polityczne po wyborach samorządowych w 2014 roku. Wśród głównych analizowanych determinant są: 1) zmiany samorządowego prawa wyborczego; 2) sytuacja społeczno-polityczna w Polsce u progu wyborów samorządowych oraz 3) charakter lokalnych scen politycznych. Prowadzone badania uwidoczniły zjawisko wycofywania się partii politycznych z bezpośredniej rywalizacji wyborczej na szczeblu lokalnym. Przykłady badanych gmin wskazują, że wielu lokalnych działaczy samorządowych posiadło doskonałe umiejętności „politycznej adaptacji” do zmieniających się nastrojów społecznych. Natomiast konsekwencją zmian w prawie wyborczym, a zwłaszcza wprowadzenia formuły większościowej w wyborach do rad gmin, są m.in. 1) dodatkowe wzmocnienie pozycji burmistrza i jego bezpośredniego zaplecza politycznego w lokalnym systemie władzy; 2) dysproporcjonalność wyników wyborów; 3) niewielkie zainteresowanie bezpośrednim udziałem w rywalizacji wyborczej osób bez instytucjonalnego zaplecza politycznego oraz 4) koncentrowanie się radnych w swojej działalności na problemach własnego okręgu wyborczego. Czynnikiem w największym stopniu determinującym lokalne elekcje samorządowe, a w konsekwencji charakter i kształt lokalnego systemu władzy, jest osoba burmistrza (prezydenta miasta).
Polish People’s Party (PPP), clearly distinguishable from other parties on the Polish political scene, is an exceptional organization due to several factors. First and foremost, it succeeded in preserving its local structures which existed dur-ing the former regime and has used them in the current political system. The circumstances allowed the party, as the only one of the Third Republic of Po-land, to fully take part in all competitive elections. Moreover, the electoral pro-gram of the party is focused on Polish agriculture and countryside issues, as well as it is consistent in its claim to the legacy of the Polish farmers’ move-ments and people connected with them: W. Witos, M. Rataj and S. Miko-łajczyk. As a result of regular electoral rivalry, PPP has been at the helm of the au-thority at various levels of government numerous times. Especially, the good results achieved in the local elections are worth noting. The analysis has prompted the present author to formulate a few rules which determine the election results in the provincial assembly. Firstly, it is not the farmers who constitute the party’s pool of staff and are responsible for the party’s organiza-tion but authorities from various public institutions. What works in favor of the PPP’s strong position is its well-developed structure, exercising authority at the lower government level and the support of local public opinion leaders. Fur-thermore, the party members as well as the constituency become more active only when the election results may have a significant impact on the party struc-tures, including the possibility of appointing numerous administrative posi-tions.
Jednym z istotniejszych elementów każdego systemu politycznego jest zbiór reguł określających charakter i przebieg rywalizacji wyborczej. Szczególne znaczenie nabierają niektóre elementy mające wpływ na kształt systemu wyborczego. Analiza tego zjawiska jest tym bardziej interesująca, kiedy dotyczy kraju, w którym dokonuje się proces demokratyzacji systemu politycznego i trwa poszukiwanie optymalnych rozwiązań. Doświadczenia polskie wskazują, jak trudne jest to zadanie. Pomimo tego udało się w Polsce stworzyć system wyborczy, który nie tylko spełnia wszystkie kryteria charakterystyczne dla systemów demokratycznych, lecz także ustabilizował i skonsolidował scenę partyjną. Występujących słabości polskiej demokracji, w tym niskiego stopnia partycypacji wyborczej, należy upatrywać w innych czynnikach niż w kluczowych elementach systemu wyborczego.
EN
One of the most important elements of each political system is a set of rules which describe the character and course of electoral competition. Some elements which influence the shape of the electoral system have special meaning. An analysis of this phenomenon is even more interesting when it concerns a country in which the process of democratisation of the electoral system is still occurring and in which optimal solutions are being sought. Polish experiences in such matter show how hard this task is. However, an electoral system was indeed created in Poland, and what is more, it complies with all criteria characteristic for democratic systems and it was able to stabilise and consolidate the political space. The reasons for existing drawbacks of the Polish democracy, including low participation in elections, should be sought in factors different than the key elements of the electoral system.
Sołectwa są jedną z najtrwalszych instytucji w polskim systemie polityczny samodzielność w określaniu zadań sołectw, co może być traktowane jako realizacja zasady subsydiarności. Z drugiej jednak strony przyjęty w 1990 roku model normatywny sołectwa marginalizuje te jednostki w lokalnym systemie władzy. Sołectw nie wyposażono w narzędzia, które gwarantowałyby im silną pozycję w zdecentralizowanej strukturze władzy publicznej. Inaczej przedstawia się pozycja i rola samego sołtysa. Choć formalnie jego rola w lokalnym systemie władzy również jest niewielka, to jednak w aspekcie politycznym sytuacja może być odwrotna. Umiejętne sprawowanie funkcji oraz walory osobiste sołtysa mogą z niego czynić ważnego aktora na lokalnej scenie politycznej.
The method and rules of elections of village heads and village council-members, which are conducted at meetings of village residents, are one of the last examples of direct democracy. Even though this form of democracy has been studied and described previously, the electoral rivalry within rural communities is marginalized; therefore, it is little known. The paper tries to define the features of electoral competition and analyze rivalry at this level of government. It has been based on a case study of one commune and three research methods have been used: direct observation, document analysis and personal interviews. Additionally, the paper presents sociological and demographic studies on some of the newly elected village heads and their councils.
W artykule analizowane jest zaangażowanie mieszkańców wsi w proces tworzenia funduszu sołeckiego. Na podstawie badań, z wykorzystaniem badań ilościowych i jakościowych, w 28 sołectwach, w których od czterech lat przyjmowany jest fundusz sołecki, autor omawia skalę zainteresowania, a raczej jego brak, sprawami sołectwa. Poszukuje odpowiedzi, dlaczego mieszkańcy badanej gminy w tak niewielkim stopniu korzystają z danego im prawa udziału w zebraniu wiejskim i decydowaniu o przeznaczeniu środków z funduszu sołeckiego. Ramy teoretyczne badań stanowią teoria racjonalnego wyboru oraz teoria małych grup M. Olsona.
EN
This article analyzes the commitment of village residents to creating a village council fund. The research is based on 28 villages which have been adopting the fund in the past 4 years. The author describes the residents’ interest, or rather, the lack thereof, in the village matters and looks to answer why the residents of a given commune hardly execute their rights to take part in village meetings and decide about allocating resources from the village fund. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the rational choice theory and the theory of small groups by M. Olson.
This article is a part of an interdisciplinary research project entitled „Pandemic traces – Rural communities and institutions”, which was conducted by the Institute of Rural and Agricultural Development, Polish Academy of Sciences. The research touched many aspects of local and social experiences and consequences of the coronavirus epidemic. The outcome is a result of a study in one of the Greater Poland communes, which, in addition to direct participant observation and document analysis, mostly used quantitative studies performed in April 2021 on a representative group of adult residents of the commune.The local dimension of the epidemic was measured within 3 research areas. The first one dealt with personal experience, especially the impact of the pandemic on private and professional life. The sec-ond one focused on the evaluation of the institutions and authorities during the pandemic. The last area analyzed how the local community judged the restrictions the state government imposed.During the quantitative analysis a special attention was paid to capture the differences between the respondents as regards their social and professional status, as well as demographics and the residency (a town or a countryside).The research showed some regularities. First of all, the percentage of respondents who were afraid of COVID-19 infection and for whom the epidemic had an impact on everyday life (approx. 53%) was similar. These groups share a common socio-demographic profile. They were dominated by women, seniors, people with higher education and representatives of the liberal professions. Another char-acteristic indication of the respondents was the critical attitude towards the local health service, es-pecially family doctors. Such responses were indicated in particular by rural residents, who probably have had worse access to basic health care. Development, Polish Academy of Sciences. The research touched many aspects of local and social experiences and consequences of the coronavirus epidemic. The outcome is a result of a study in one of the Greater Poland communes, which, in addition to direct participant observation and document analysis, mostly used quantitative studies performed in April 2021 on a representative group of adult residents of the commune. The local dimension of the epidemic was measured within 3 research areas. The first one dealt with personal experience, especially the impact of the pandemic on private and professional life. The second one focused on the evaluation of the institutions and authorities during the pandemic. The last area analyzed how the local community judged the restrictions the state government imposed. During the quantitative analysis a special attention was paid to capture the differences between the respondents as regards their social and professional status, as well as demographics and the residency (a town or a countryside). The research showed some regularities. First of all, the percentage of respondents who were afraid of COVID-19 infection and for whom the epidemic had an impact on everyday life (approx. 53%) was similar. These groups share a common socio-demographic profile. They were dominated by women, seniors, people with higher education and representatives of the liberal professions. Another characteristic indication of the respondents was the critical attitude towards the local health service, especially family doctors. Such responses were indicated in particular by rural residents, who probably have had worse access to basic health care.
PL
Artykuł jest częścią interdyscyplinarnego projektu badawczego „Wiejskie okruchy pandemii – społeczności i ich instytucje” realizowanego w Instytucie Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Celem badań jest analiza zachowań i działań władzy i społeczności lokalnej wobec pandemii COVID-19. Prezentowane w niniejszym tekście wyniki to efekt badań w jednej z wielkopolskich gmin, wykorzystujących obserwację bezpośrednią uczestniczącą, analizę dokumentów, ale przede wszystkim badań ilościowych prowadzonych w kwietniu 2021 r. na reprezentatywnej grupie dorosłych mieszkańców tejże gminy.
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