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EN
The article concerns the resonance of torpedoing of British passenger steamship “Lusitania” on May 7, 1915 (during World War I) among German public opinion. Political determinants of this event, its course and influence on the ongoing war were analyzed based on reports of Wolffs Telegraphisches Bureau and “Frankfurter Zeitung”.
EN
The aim of this article is to show evolution of how the Kremlin politics is perceived in Germany within two first decades of the XXI century. Moreover, the central idea of this article is to separate five key or even critical points of this period. The paradigm has been described in perspective of perceiving the Russian politics by German public opinion. The public opinion is a set of opinions about important and actual affairs, especially concerning national politics, within a particular society. The public opinion about a particular matter is often identified with a prevailing opinion in mass media. Media information has become the main data source for analysis of the discussed matter. The first stage was assigned in the year 2000 when Vladimir Putin won the presidential elections in Russia. His victory was not so indubitable at that time. Bilateral relations got strategic character then. The culminating point was the Russian president’s pronouncement in Bundestag in 2001. When Angela Merkel succeeded chancellorship in 2005, the Russian politics started to be perceived critically. That was the beginning of the second stage of perceiving the Kremlin politics by Germany. Atmosphere of the bilateral relations got worse then. A clear sign of it was the Vladimir Putin pronouncement during the 43. Security Conference. In Germany the pronouncement was considered as the beginning of a new cold war in the Kremlin politics. The third stage took place between 2008 and 2014. Until 2012 – when the next Russian presidential elections took place – Vladimir Putin had shared the power creating a kind of a leadership tandem with Dmitry Medvedev. This acting was considered as delusive in Germany. The turn in perceiving the Russian politics in Germany happened in 2014 when president Putin made use of the political crisis in Ukraine to annex Crimea. It was an acute change that closed the third and started the fourth stage of perceiving the Kremlin politics by Germany. It was characterized by intense crisis. A final part of the fourth stage was the Vladimir Putin’s proclamation on the Federal Assembly on the 1 III 2018. It was a prelude to the fifth stage that lasts until today. It happened mainly due to its consequences for internal politics in the context of the presidential elections in Russia planned on the 18 III 2018. The elections as well as swearing in the fourth Angela Merkel cabinet on the 14 III 2018 were a clear border in perceiving the Russian politics in Germany. The bilateral relations were revived after it.
EN
aim of this article is to sketch the attitude of Soviet power and society towards the Jews from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the USSR. It has become particularly important to demonstrate the anti‑ Semitic policies and propaganda of the Stalinist regime. The aim is also to delineate the change in attitude towards Jews that occurred after Khrushchev came to power. The liberalisation of the regime was accompanied by a softening of anti‑ Semitic propaganda. The article will also outline the period of stagnation of the system of power in the USSR during Brezhnev’s rule. It will reflect negatively on the situation of Jews in the country. The promoted unity and brotherhood of nations was juxtaposed with bureaucratic harassment of the Jews. Their emigration was also blocked and widespread surveillance was carried out. In the 1970s, their situation was improved by international relaxation. The period of Gorbachev’s Perestroika saw a rise in Russian nationalism and anti‑ Semitic sentiment. Dissident groups emerged, opportunities for Jewish organisational development and culture improved, and emigration intensified. There was support from the World Jewish Congress. In the Soviet system, attitudes towards Jews were visible on two levels characterised by state anti‑Semitism and social anti Semitism.
PL
Celem artykułu jest naszkicowanie stosunku władzy i społeczeństwa sowieckiego wobec Żydów od zakończenia II wojny światowej do rozwiązania ZSRR. Szczególnie istotne stało się wykazanie antysemickiej polityki i propagandy reżimu stalinowskiego. Celem jest także wyznaczenie zmiany w podejściu do Żydów, która nastąpiła po dojściu do władzy Chruszczowa. Liberalizacji systemu towarzyszyło złagodzenie antysemickiej propagandy. W artykule nakreślony zostanie również okres stagnacji systemu władzy w ZSRR w okresie rządów Breżniewa. Odbije się on negatywnie na sytuacji Żydów w tym państwie. Propagowana jedność i braterstwo narodów zestawiana była z szykanami biurokratycznymi wobec Żydów. Blokowano także ich emigrację oraz stosowano powszechną inwigilację. W latach 70. XX w. na poprawę ich położenia wpłynęło odprężenie międzynarodowe. W okresie „pieriestrojki” Gorbaczowa nastąpił wzrost nacjonalizmu rosyjskiego i nastrojów antysemickich. Pojawiły się grupy dysydenckie, polepszyły możliwości rozwoju organizacyjnego i kultury żydowskiej, nasiliła się emigracja. Pojawiło się poparcie ze strony Światowego Kongresu Żydów. W systemie sowieckim stosunek do Żydów widoczny był na dwóch płaszczyznach charakteryzujących się antysemityzmem państwowym i antysemityzmem społecznym.
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