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1

Powstanie i dzieje zbiorów archeologicznych i Muzeum Archeologicznego AU i PAU

100%
Skrzyński T.
Materiały Archeologiczne
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2010
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vol. 38
205-218
EN
To properly present the fate of the collection and the Museum one should go back to the times of the Krakow Scientific Society within which the Museum of State Antiquities was established in 1850. Altogether during the period when the Society existed, the Museum acquired several thousand coins, medals, commemorative objects and archaeological artefacts from all annexed territories. After World War II ended, the Museum operated in the area of southern Poland. The majority of incoming artefacts came from excavations conducted on behalf of the Museum. Among donations were e.g. numerous artefacts from Egypt.
2
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Polityka komunistów wobec socjalistów w Krakowie na przykładzie zbiórki na „wspólny dom”

100%
Skrzyński T.
Prace Historyczne
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2009
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vol. 136
PL
The Policy of the Communists towards the Socialists in Cracow on the Example of the Collection for the “Common Home”An important element in the process of absorption of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) by the communists in 1948 was a money collection for the construction of the building which was to house the future joint authorities of the “united party.” The goal of the action was to break the resistance of the socialists against drawing them into the ranks of the communist party. The authorities of the Polish Workers’ Party divided the campaign into declaring future contributions and subsequently the actual collection. Special plenipotentiaries had been appointed at all the organizational levels who were to realize the orders of the communists. The latter forced the members of both parties to declare the highest possible contributions and then executed their payment. In spite of the gradual intensification of pressure, the Cracow communists had failed to force the Socialists to terminate the action within a top-down designated time and to pay the declared sums of money. The above campaign was terminated only in the middle of 1949.
3
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Around the Idea of Compromise. The activity of the Polish Peasant Party „New Liberation” on the forum of the State National Council and Parliament (with a particular emphasis on education)

100%
Skrzyński T.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
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2017
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vol. 7
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issue 2
EN
PSL „New Liberation” tried to win the villages. It highlighted its association with one of the major pre­‑war left­‑wing peasant parties: PSL „Liberation”. Before the war it had gathered many village teachers, focusing its attention on the modernization and development of education. The „New Liberation” declared great concern for the state (including education); it emphasized the importance of religion; it ensured that in the new political realities, an educated peasant „should not be a laughing stock, as it used to be previously, but a citizen enjoying full rights”. The party emphasized the role of peasant educational organizations: „the tremendous importance of this work, which seeks to abolish the eternal harm suffered by the neglected peasant child.” „New Liberation” persuaded the peasants that they should abandon their rivalry with the Communists and Socialists. The aim was to cooperate on equal terms. But, the idea of „New Liberation” to partially represent the interests of the village in the parliament was unreal. The „liberators” failed to notice the insincerity in PPR policy. The aim of this article is to recall the main activities of the Polish Peasant Party “New Liberation” on the forum of the State National Council and Parliament.
4
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Związki małopolskich ludowców z Armią Krajową

100%
Skrzyński T.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2011
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vol. 16
183-198
EN
Despite huge repressive measures of both 3rd Reich and USSR in 1939, the activists initiated reconstruction of SL (Peasant Party) local networks. The Little Poland branch of SL enjoyed the strongest position among regional structures of SL. SL granted peasants the right to play a domineering role within the state. During the war however, the fight to liberate the country was the main task. When ZWZ (Armed Fight Union) was established, the Little Poland branch of SL recognized it and started close cooperation. Peasant Party members of Cracow believed, that both military and political affairs should be controlled by one headquarters. The weaker competitor within the peasant movement, Peasant Liberty Organisation „Racławice”, controlled by the pre-war “Sanacja” regime followers, established Polish Armed Organization. Its structures, which were strong in Little Poland, cooperated loyally with ZWZ. Relationships between SL and ZWZ-AK in the given area can be divided into three periods, its boundaries being great arrests of the Area headquarters of ZWZ in April 1941 and the beginning of unification of the SL armed branch – Peasants’ Battalions and AK. In the 1939–1945 it was very difficult to negotiate the then contradictory military and political reasons. National army, in which political views should give way to military reasons was the AK headquarter’s aim. Pre-war officers were excellent at organizing the army. These were generally “Sanacja” supporters. SL were very reluctant towards „Sanacja”. Their aim was to carry out their ideas and reinforce influence within the army and the society. Due to the resistance conditions, invader’s terror, strength of pre-war political divisions and the rolling German–Soviet front together with its consequences, it was difficult to find a compromise.
5
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Związki małopolskich ludowców z Armią Krajową

100%
Skrzyński T.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2012
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vol. 17
365-380
EN
Despite huge repressive measures of both 3rd Reich and USSR in 1939, the activists initiated reconstruction of SL (Peasant Party) local networks. The Little Poland branch of SL enjoyed the strongest position among regional structures of SL. SL granted peasants the right to play a domineering role within the state. During the war however, the fight to liberate the country was the main task. When ZWZ (Armed Fight Union) was established, the Little Poland branch of SL recognized it and started close cooperation. Peasant Party members of Cracow believed, that both military and political affairs should be controlled by one headquarters. The weaker competitor within the peasant movement, Peasant Liberty Organisation „Racławice”, controlled by the pre-war “Sanacja” regime followers, established Polish Armed Organization. Its structures, which were strong in Little Poland, cooperated loyally with ZWZ. Relationships between SL and ZWZ-AK in the given area can be divided into three periods, its boundaries being great arrests of the Area headquarters of ZWZ in April 1941 and the beginning of unification of the SL armed branch – Peasants’ Battalions and AK. In the 1939–1945 it was very difficult to negotiate the then contradictory military and political reasons. National army, in which political views should give way to military reasons was the AK headquarter’s aim. Pre-war officers were excellent at organizing the army. These were generally “Sanacja” supporters. SL were very reluctant towards „Sanacja”. Their aim was to carry out their ideas and reinforce influence within the army and the society. Due to the resistance conditions, invader’s terror, strength of pre-war political divisions and the rolling German–Soviet front together with its consequences, it was difficult to find a compromise.
6
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Z dziejów Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej w województwie krakowskim w 1945 i 1946 r.

100%
Skrzyński T.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2005
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vol. 9
167-180
EN
Formation of the PPS in the province of Cracow started in the month of January l945.In the end of the year 1945 it possessed the largest number of members of all the provincial branches in the whole country. Active members came mainly from pre-war PPS and PPS-WRN. In many parts of the province close relations were established with SL ”Roch”. Admitting some of the top members of the former PPS-WRN resulted in expansion of the party ranks together with the opposition feelings against the PPS position on the political scene. These were not hindered by the increase of UB persecutions. Due to the many members' attitude, who were reluctant to cooperate with PPR, the PPS's presence in the referendum and election campaigns was disproportionately small. A lot of socialist party members voted against the official PPS stance. PPR is to be blamed that the referendum results brought about such unfavourable consequences for the PPS relations with the communists. Personal changes within WK PPS played important role in tightening the cooperation with PPS before the parliamentary elections. Even so, there were a number of imprisonments of the socialist party members before the elections, dismissing from the polling commissions as well as deleting their names from the list of voters. ln November 1946 a recruitment campaign was launched with the aim to double the number of the party members. This aim was not achieved. [flowever, they managed to acquire more new members than PPR. After the election PPS was by all means the most numerous organization in the province.
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Losy Stronnictwa Demokratycznego w 2 połowie 1948 i na początku 1949 r. Przypadek krakowski

100%
Skrzyński T.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2008
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vol. 12
56-74
EN
In 1948, aft er the summer changes within the leadership of PPR, the condition for further existence of SD was its acceptance of being a less important regime’s instrument in its policy towards private sector of the economy and the so called working intelligentsia. In the province of Cracow the position of SD was better within the circles of intelligentsia. Th is was due to the fact that in the second half of 1948 the regime increased its eff orts to destroy the private sector of the economy. The attitude of the local communist activists towards SD became severe. SD members were removed from Cracow authorities, local government, trade unions etc. Proportions of SD representatives in those bodies were decided behind closed doors. Activities of UB (secret police) increased. That situation had a disastrous eff ect on internal relations within Cracow branch of SD. Despite training campaign, the SD weak framework found it diffi cult to force its members to actively support the regime. Massive outfl ow of members occurred.
8
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Polityka komunistów wobec Stronnictwa Demokratycznego w województwie krakowskim w pierwszej połowie 1948 r.

100%
Skrzyński T.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2006
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vol. 10
221-236
EN
In the given period the SD (acronym for Stronnictwo Demokratyczne, Democratic Party) position on the political scene deteriorated considerably. Efforts to adapt the party to the situation did not change the negative attitude to SD on the side of lots of local PPR (Communist Party) activists. A lot of SD members were forced to join PPR. Actions of SD leaders against such moves by PPR activists were ineffective. Activities of UB (secret police) increased. SD structures had to follow communists’ guidelines and keep in close contact with PPR. Position of SD members in companies and different organizations deteriorated. The communists ordered ousting a row of activists from SD youth organization. Among others, SD was used by PPR in their politics towards PPS (socialist party) and to control the school system. Quite often the size as well as the name list of SD share in different structures were agreed without SD representatives’ being present.
9
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Polska Partia Robotnicza w Krakowskiem w latach 1947-1948 (wplywy, problemy wewnetrzne i polityczni sojusznicy)

100%
Skrzyński T.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 1(13)
69-93
EN
After the parliamentary election in 1947 a considerable proportion of the residents of Cracow province tried to accommodate to the reality that was being imposed by the communists, but without supporting the new authorities. It was easy to believe that the regime organized by the PPR (the communist party) was not a temporary affair. Many were disarmed both ideologically and morally by the conviction that they could not wait until it had collapsed. A huge increase in the number of PPR members in the years 1947 and 1948 was the result of the communists’ ruthless pressure in factories, government agencies, and schools. Employees were threatened with dismissal or demotion. A considerable part of those new members persuaded themselves that they had made the right choice, gaining in this way some sense of mental well -being. In the province of Cracow communist influence varied in particular regions and social groups. Farmers and university graduates were underrepresented. At the end of September 1948, according to overstated data, there were 51 000 members. The PPR in Cracow had different internal problems. The moral level of some activists left much to be desired. So was the quality and activity of the members. Local organisations were mismanaged. Party meetings at different levels were held too rarely. Most party ranks were religious people. Some were involved in the construction of churches or even supported the anticommunist underground movement. Attempts to get rid of all the unwanted, above mentioned members of the Cracow PPR, although partially successful, did not lead to desired results.
10
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In the face of threat. The Attempt to appoint in 1950. interdisciplinary Institute of Human Research of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences

100%
Skrzyński T.
Studia Historiae Scientiarum
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2020
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vol. 19
EN
Most of the proposals for reforms at the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences, submitted in 1945–1950, concerned the adaptation of the Academy to further specialization in the world of science. Discussed in the article, the previously unknown, initiative of the eminent philosopher Roman Ingarden was of a different nature. The institute, he was designing, was to be the center of permanent scientific cooperation between scientists from natural and humanities sciences.Using the archive sources and publications, the circumstances of this idea creation were also discussed. The reasons why this initiative was not implemented were also described.Ingarden believed that research conducted as part of the Institute’s experimental labs should cover basic practical issues both for entire communities and individual people. They were to concern, i.a. the nature of man, his role in the world; separateness and kinship to other living beings. The philosopher also proposed testing new research methods at the Institute and training numerous scientists in their application.In practice, the idea of establishing the Institute of Human Sciences of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences was contrary to the policy of the state authorities at that time.
PL
Większość ze zgłoszonych w latach 1945–1950 oddolnych propozycji reform Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności (PAU) miała na celu dostosowanie Akademii do pogłębiającej się specjalizacji w świecie nauki. Omawiana w artykule, nieznana dotąd, inicjatywa filozofa Romana Ingardena miała charakter odmienny. Projektowany przez niego Instytut miał być ośrodkiem służącym stałej współpracy naukowej między uczonymi reprezentującymi nauki przyrodnicze i humanistyczne.Korzystając ze źródeł archiwalnych i publikacji, omówiono również okoliczności powstania tego pomysłu. Opisano także powody, dla których inicjatywa ta nie została wdrożona.Ingarden uważał, że badania prowadzone w ramach pracowni eksperymentalnych Instytutu powinny objąć podstawowe zagadnienia praktyczne, zarówno odnośnie do całych zbiorowości, jak i poszczególnych ludzi. Miały dotyczyć m.in. natury człowieka, jego roli na świecie, odrębności i pokrewieństwa w stosunku do innych istot żywych. Ingarden proponował także przetestowanie w ramach Instytutu nowych metod badań i wyszkolenie w ich stosowaniu licznych naukowców.W praktyce idea powołania Instytutu Nauk o Człowieku PAU była sprzeczna z ówczesną polityką władz państwowych.
11
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Działalność Czesława Chowańca w sferze polityki kulturalnej i wojskowości (do 1944 roku)

100%
Skrzyński T.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia
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2022
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vol. 77
295-317
EN
Czesław Chowaniec (1899–1968) played a very important role, first in the cultural life of Stanisławów in the 1920s, and then in the Polish cultural and popularization activities in France. As a scientist, he focused most of his creative energy until 1944 on military history. The published texts on this topic ensured him an important position among Polish military historians. His service in the army during the time of the shaping of state borders had an immense influence on his scientific interests. During World War II, in his military service he used his skills, among other things, in his work in the sphere of education and culture.
PL
Czesław Chowaniec (1899–1968) odgrywał bardzo ważną rolę najpierw w życiu kulturalnym Stanisławowa lat 20. XX wieku, a następnie w polskiej działalności kulturalnej i popularyzatorskiej na terenie Francji. Jako naukowiec do 1944 roku najwięcej swej energii twórczej skupiał na historii wojskowości. Wydane z tego zakresu teksty zapewniły mu ważne miejsce wśród polskich historyków wojskowości. Służba w wojsku, w czasie kształtowania granic państwa, miała znaczny wpływ na jego zainteresowania naukowe. W okresie II wojny światowej w armii m.in. był zaangażowany w pracy oświatowo-kulturalnej.
12
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Methane emissions from elements of gas distribution networks and the energy security of EU countries in time of gas wars

63%
Narloch P., Skrzyński T.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2023
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vol. 21
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issue 1
191-214
EN
Poważne konsekwencje dla bezpieczeństwa energetycznego; zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa przesyłu gazu ziemnego i ograniczenia strat gazu w trakcie transportu ma skala emisji metanu z systemu gazowniczego. Dlatego istotne jest określenie skali tej emisji z poszczególnych elementów infrastruktury. Potwierdzono tezę o znacznym. Współczynnik emisyjności (EF) zależy od wielu innych czynników. Najlepszą metodą obliczenia EF będzie ta, która uwzględnia jak najwięcej zmiennych. Opracowano od strony teoretycznej metodę wyznaczania EF uwzględniającą wiek aparatury oraz ciśnienie, temperaturę i prędkość. Porównując funkcjonujące dotąd w literaturze metody, należy mieć na uwadze, że żadna z nich nie charakteryzuje zmiennych, które wpływają na wielkość współczynnika emisyjności. Aby móc odwzorować rzeczywistą emisję, kluczowe jest posiadanie danych opisujących analizowany element infrastruktury gazowej, wraz z jak najbardziej precyzyjnymi informacjami opisującymi warunki pracy.
PL
The scale of methane emissions from gas distribution systems has serious consequences for energy security, ensuring the security of natural gas transmission and reducing gas losses in transport. That is why it is important to determine the scale of such emissions from individual elements of the infrastructure. It has been confirmed that such emissions have a significant effect on the military security of EU countries. The emission factor (EF) is affected by many other causes. The best method of calculating the EF is one that takes into account the most variables. A theoretical method of determining the EF has been developed, taking into consideration the age of the equipment as well as pressure, temperature and speed. When comparing the methods in the literature to date, one has to bear in mind that none of them describes the variables that affect the magnitude of the EF. To map an actual emission, it is crucial to have data that describe the gas infrastructure component under analysis, along with the most precise information available to characterise the operating conditions.
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Zarząd majątkami Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym

63%
Biliński P., Skrzyński T.
Studia z Historii Społeczno-Gospodarczej XIX i XX Wieku
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2010
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issue 08
281-291
EN
During Poland’s twenty years of independence after the Great War the basic of functioning of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences were acres given by Archduke Karol Stefan Habsburg, Paweł Tyszkowski and Władysław Józef Fedorowicz. They were almost 20,000 hectares big and they consisted of three parts: forests, constructional areas and granges. Thanks to the income gained the Academy experienced the economic boom and its administrator, Stanisław Kutrzeba, could proudly say in 1938 that in the years of such market conditions it allocated one million złoty for scientific aims.
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