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Question of identity of the aristocratic families in the new national states after 1918: An example of Habsburg & Hochberg families in Poland

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Drozdowski M.
Historyka Studia Metodologiczne
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2022
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vol. 52
145-164
EN
The independence of newly born (or reborn) states at the end of 1918 raised the question of the future of the aristocratic families who had built their position in the pre‑war empires. An interesting example of such dilemmas arose in Poland. This was connected with the fate of two originally German‑speaking families. One of them was a branch of the imperial Habsburg family that settled in Żywiec (German: Saybush) in western Galicia. The other: rich and powerful family of Hofburg von Pless having their main seat in Pszczyna (German: Pless) in Prussian Upper Silesia. They were both members of the absolute elite of European aristocracy, being related to many noble and royal families and playing important roles in the political and economic life of Austro‑Hungary and Germany. What they also had in common was the fact, that their estates were located in a borderland between different ethnic and national groups. After the end of World War One, almost all these properties became part of the independent Polish state. As a result, the new administration treated the families with serious distrust. However, their national choices were different: the Habsburgs of Żywiec started to consider themselves as pure Polish, while the Hofburgs radically adhered to their German self‑identity. This article shows what the criteria were behind these choices.
2
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Wizyta Margaret Thatcher w Polsce (2-4 listopada 1988 r.) w świetle dokumentów brytyjskiego Foreign Office

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Drozdowski M.
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne
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2023
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vol. 17
242-263
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the circumstances, preparations, course and assessment of the visit of the British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, to Poland on November 2–4, 1988. It was the first visit of a leader of a Western power to Poland after the introduction of the martial law in December 1981 and the first visit of a Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in the history of British-Polish relations. Therefore, the analyzed event should be treated as an important moment in the process of overcoming the political isolation in which the communist authorities of Poland found themselves after the “Solidarity” crisis of 1980–1981. Moreover, the visit took place at a critical moment in Polish history: three months before the start of the Round Table Talks (February–April 1989), when the fate of this project seemed to be very uncertain. In these circumstances Margaret Thatcher’s aim was not only to develop bilateral relations between the countries but also to support the Polish opposition (Solidarity movement) and to put pressure on the Polish government to start the negotiations as well as to dynamize the whole process of the democratization. The article is based primarily on the sources available in the National Archives (Kew, London).
PL
Celem artykułu pozostaje analiza okoliczności, przygotowań, przebiegu oraz oceny wizyty premier Wielkiej Brytanii, Margaret Thatcher, w Polsce w dniach 2-4 listopada 1988 r. Omawiane wydarzenie było pierwszą wizytą przywódcy zachodniego mocarstwa po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego w 1981 r. i w ogóle pierwszym w historii pobytem premiera Zjednoczonego Królestwa nad Wisłą, stanowiło też ważny moment w procesie przezwyciężania izolacji politycznej, w jakiej znalazły się komunistyczne władze Polski po kryzysie solidarnościowym  lat 1980-1981. Co więcej, wizyta ta miała miejsce w krytycznym momencie historii Polski - na trzy miesiące przed rozpoczęciem rozmów Okrągłego Stołu (luty-kwiecień 1989), kiedy losy tego projektu wydawały się bardzo niepewne. Biorąc pod uwagę okoliczności, celem Margaret Thatcher pozostawało nie tylko rozwijanie dwustronnych stosunków między obydwoma państwami, ale też wsparcie Solidarności, wywarcie nacisku na władze PRL odnośnie rozpoczęcia negocjacji z opozycją oraz wprowadzenie polityczno-gospodarczych reform. Artykuł opiera się na literaturze tematu oraz przede wszystkim na źródłach dostępnych w brytyjskim Archiwum Narodowym (Londyn, Kew).
3
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Primum non nocere…? Tożsamość zwolenników orientacji austro-polskiej w okresie I wojny światowej

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Drozdowski M.
Prace Historyczne
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2017
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vol. 144
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issue 2
233-254
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the national identity of the Polish politicians active in a self-governing Galicia who were supporters of the so-called Austro-Polish solution. This political idea was based on a plan to reconstruct Polish sovereignty in cooperation with the Habsburg monarchy. The majority of followers of the Austro-Polish solution were members of one political party: the Cracow conservatives. After the outbreak of World War I the idea was promoted by the Supreme National Committee, an organization that was created as a political and logistic background of the Polish Legions, the semi-independent Polish troops that fought as a part of the Austro-Hungarian military. The research is primarily focused on the question whether it is possible to describe the identity of these politicians as Polish or Austrian, or was it a kind of combination of the two? The paper analyzes the attitude of Władysław Leopold Jaworski, Leon Biliński and Michał Bobrzyński, three politicians who, between 1914 and 1918, played a crucial role in all attempts to realize and promote the Austro-Polish idea. Their dilemmas were precisely examined on the basis of memoires, speeches and historical studies as well as the archives. The author claims that the attitude of the three politicians towards the Austro-Hungarian Empire undoubtedly contained an emotional component. It means that describing these politicians as Austro-Polish patriots seems to be absolutely justified.
4
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Jan Dąbski – przewodniczący polskich delegacji w Mińsku i Rydze. Próba reinterpretacji postaci

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Drozdowski M.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2024
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vol. 56
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issue 3
33-57
EN
The article aims to shed light on the figure of Jan Dąbski, head of the Polish delegations, during the armistice and peace negotiations with Bolshevik Russia in Minsk (August–September 1920) and in Riga (September–October 1920). The author confronts various opinions on Dąbski with the source material and the most recent publications, uncovering deeper determinants of his views and motivations. The analysis leads to a clarification and reinterpretation of Dąbski’s role in the discussed events. The author focuses primarily on the first stages of the negotiations conducted on the truce in Minsk and Riga in 1920.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie postaci Jana Dąbskiego – przewodniczącego polskich delegacji w czasie rokowań rozejmowych z bolszewicką Rosją w Mińsku od sierpnia do września 1920 r. i w Rydze od września do października 1920 r. Autor konfrontuje rozmaite opinie na temat Dąbskiego z materiałem źródłowym i najnowszymi publikacjami, ukazując głębsze uwarunkowania jego poglądów i motywacji. Analiza prowadzi do doprecyzowania, a nawet reinterpretacji roli, jaką Dąbski odegrał w omawianych wydarzeniach historycznych. Autor koncentruje się przede wszystkim na pierwszych etapach negocjacji w sprawie zawieszenia broni, które prowadzono w 1920 r. w Mińsku oraz Rydze.
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