A problem of the interior struggle for political influence on the Polish liberation movement in the Upper Silesia in the period of Silesian’s uprisings and plebiscite, and closely connected to it a question of the relations between the Polish political and military authorities and the insurgent movement awakes more and more interest of the historians. Wojciech Stpiczyński - a main hero of this article - as a commander of the plebiscite’s team of the military secret service (Department „B” of the 2nd Department of the Staff of the Ministry of Military Affairs) played an important part in the government’s action of support to the military movement in conspiracy in the Upper Silesia and later - as a delegate of government - to the 3rd Silesian uprising. His activity as an unofficial political emissary of the Piłsudski’s camp (called also - belwederski) in the Upper Silesia is worth noticing. It was specially important at the finally phase of the 3rd Silesian uprising and just after the end of insurrection. Stpiczyński, as an organiser and then an effective political head of the Association of the Former Insurgents (Związek Byłych Powstańców - ZPB) - which constituted a kind of continuation of the military organisation, tried to paralyse the influences of the Christian-Democratic political camp and National-Democratic one in Silesia. He was considered by them as a main person responsible for the realisation of the Pilsudski’s policy in Silesia, and due to that fact he was attacked very strongly by the press connected with those camps because of the abuses of the military intelligence service in the autumn 1921. In spite of the mission had been over in the end of 1921, Stpiczyński managed to play an important role in the establishing of Püsudski’s supporters influence among the former Silesian insurgents.
Polish volunteers played relatively important role during the Spanish Civil War. Majority of them fought in the Republican Army (ca. 4500–5000 among ca. 35 000 soldiers of the international brigades). Most of volunteers (ca. 75%) were Polish economic emigrants who lived mainly in France and many of them were members or followers of the French Communist Party. About 600–800 volunteers (another sources suggest 1200) came directly from Poland, ca. 80% of them were active communists. Most of Polish volunteers joined 13th International Brigade („Dąbrowski Brigade”) which took part in most of crucial military operations and suffered heavy losses (ca. 30–40%). A few tens of Poles fought in the National Army (F. Franco’s army). Most of them were professional soldiers of Spanish Foreign Legion who enlisted that military unit before the war, so their engagement was not of an ideological character. Author tried to give a comprehensive picture of Polish participants of the Spanish Civil War fighting on both sides of the conflict. Character and battles of „Dąbrowski Brigade” and other „Polish” units of the Republican Army as well as biographies of more important commanders were examined. Life and activity of Republican volunteers during the Second World War and in post-war Poland were analysed, including their changing role in Polish communist system.
PL
Polscy ochotnicy odegrali stosunkowo znaczącą rolę w hiszpańskiej wojnie domowej. Przytłaczająca większość z nich walczyła po stronie republikańskiej. Przyjmuje się, że było ich ok. 4,5–5 tys. (wśród ok. 35 tys. żołnierzy Brygad Międzynarodowych). Ok. 75% stanowili emigranci, głównie mieszkający we Francji, w znacznym stopniu działacze lub sympatycy Francuskiej Partii Komunistycznej. Prawdopodobnie tylko ok. 600–800 osób (według niektórych danych 1200) przybyło bezpośrednio z Polski, wśród nich zdecydowanie przeważali komuniści (80% lub więcej). Najwięcej polskich ochotników walczyło w szeregach XIII Brygady „Jarosław Dąbrowski”, która brała udział w większości kluczowych operacji wojny i poniosła ogromne straty (prawdopodobnie 30–40%). Prawdopodobnie kilkudziesięciu Polaków uczestniczyło w wojnie po stronie narodowej (frankistowskiej). Większość z nich stanowili jednak zawodowi żołnierze hiszpańskiej Legii Cudzoziemskiej, którzy wstąpili do niej przed wybuchem wojny, zatem ich udział w wojnie nie miał charakteru ideowego. W artykule w syntetyczny sposób ukazano portret polskich uczestników wojny walczących po obu stronach konfliktu, wskazując także na przyczyny skromnego zaangażowania po stronie narodowej. Przeanalizowano oblicze i szlak bojowy Brygady „Jarosław Dąbrowski” i innych „polskich” oddziałów armii republikańskiej, przedstawiono biogramy ważniejszych dowódców. Wiele miejsca poświęcono losom „dąbrowszczaków” w okresie II wojny światowej i w powojennej Polsce, starając się ukazać ich specyficzne i zmieniające się miejsce w systemie politycznym PRL.
Book Review: H. Daniel Zacharias, Matthew’s Presentation of the Son of David : Davidic Tradition and Typology in the Gospel of Matthew (T and T Clark Biblical Studies; London – New York: Clark 2017). Pp. xi + 224. $ 108. Hardback. ISBN 978-0-56767-077-9
Recenzja książki: Michael Vicko Zolondek, We Have Found the Messiah. How the Disciples Help Us Answer the Davidic Messianic Question (Eugene, OR: Pickwick, 2016)
EN
Book review: Michael Vicko Zolondek, We Have Found the Messiah. How the Disciples Help Us Answer the Davidic Messianic Question (Eugene, OR: Pickwick, 2016)
The article deals with events that occurred in Mandatory Palestine in the autumn of 1943. During British operations against Jewish armed organisations in two kibbutzim, there were violent clashes with settlers and arrests, which in turn provoked strong protests from the Jewish people. The author’s analysis focuses on the connections between these events and Polish-Jewish relations, particularly in the context of the case of the desertion of Jews from the Polish Army in the East commanded by General Władysław Anders.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy wydarzeń, które miały miejsce w mandatowej Palestynie jesienią 1943 r. Podczas brytyjskich akcji wymierzonych w żydowskie organizacje zbrojne w dwóch kibucach doszło do gwałtownych starć z osadnikami i aresztowań, co wywołało z kolei burzliwe protesty społeczności żydowskiej. Analiza autora ogniskuje się wokół związków tych wydarzeń z relacjami polsko-żydowskimi, zwłaszcza w kontekście sprawy dezercji Żydów z Armii Polskiej na Wschodzie dowodzonej przez gen. Władysława Andersa.
Colonel Wacław Lipiński (1896-1949) was a veteran of the World War I (in J. Piłsudski’s Ist Brigade of Polish Legions), a regular army officer, a historian and a publicist. He was one of the best popularizers of Polish modem history, however he was often criticized for creating Piłsudski’s legend. In September 1939 Lipiński, as a chief of propagand, became a hero of the defence of Warsaw. At the beginning of the occupation he went to Hungary to avoid his expected arrest by Gestapo. He was active there as a publicist and lecturer. In 1942 Lipiński returned Poland and became a leader of Konwent Organizacji Niepodległościowych - KON (The Assembly of the Organizations for the Independence of Poland). It was one of small but active groups of the Resistance, created by former members of Pilsudski’s political camp - sanacja. KON opposed strongly Polish Government in exile. Lipiński criticized its dependence on Great Britain, a compromise with USSR (Sikorski-Majski Treaty, 1941) and a withdrawal of Piłsudski-ites from an influence on politics and army. He warned also against Soviet domination over post-war Poland and opposed an anti-German insurrection. Lipiński presented his opinions in brochures and articles published in conspiracy as well as in memorials for political and military authorities. Although sanacja underground groups had a little influence on the political Resistance, Lipiński expressed one of the most controversial conceptions of Polish political thinking during the World War II. After the war Lipiński took part in the anti-communist underground movement. In December 1947 he was sentenced to the death penalty during the world-famous trial of the leaders of the underground opposition. Although the sentence was officially changed, Lipiński was probably murdered in a prison in 1949.
“The Elimination from the Ranks of a Troublesome and Dangerous Element”. The Disciplinary Camp of the Polish Army in the East in Latrun (Palestine, 1944–1945)The question of a detention camp in Latrun (Palestine) remains an almost unknown episode in the history of the Polish Armed Forces in the Middle East during the Second World War. The camp was established at the beginning of 1944 for the purpose of isolating officers and soldiers suspected of communist and pro-Soviet activity as well as men regarded as dangerous common criminals. The camp inmates included also several score civilians, former soldiers accused by the British authorities of assorted crimes and felonies. The creation of the camp met with a negative reaction on the part of the Polish civilian and military authorities in London. Prepared legal opinions clearly indicated the absence of legal foundations for the establishment of a detention camp. It was also indicated that the opening of the camp was used for propaganda attacks launched by part of the press in Great Britain and the USA, aimed at the Polish authorities in exile as well as the Polish Armed Forces. The retention of the camp was supported primarily by the Polish military command in the Middle East, which intended to isolate a group of soldiers representing pro-Soviet attitudes, and by Polish civilian authorities in the Middle East, fearing an intensification of common crime. With the support of the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Commander-in-Chief, the Minister of National Defence ordered the closure of the camp (31 May 1944). This did not take place, however, because for several months the British authorities in Palestine did not consent to the discharge of several score inmates. The British obviously planned to encumber the Polish side with responsibility for the isolation of persons whom they regarded as dangerous. The British side actually inspired the creation of the camp, and for another half a year made it impossible to close it, thus putting the Polish side in a very awkward situation. Ultimately, the camp ceased functioning in January 1945.
Book review: Nicholas G. Piotrowski, Matthew’s New David at the End of Exile. A Socio-Rhetorical Study of Scriptural Quotations (Supplements to Novum Testamentum 170; Leiden – Boston, Brill 2016). Pp. 316. €125. ISBN 978-90-04-32678-1 (hardback). ISBN 978-90-04-32688-0 (e-book)
During the World War II Iran was an important centre of Polish war refugee communities. Members of Poland’s social elites (intelligentsia and also landed gentry to a certain degree) who had experienced Soviet repressions played a key role in establishing and operating a network of Polish institutions and organisations in Iran. The author focuses on profiles of members of various professional groups and examines their significance in activity of Polish governmental apparatus (social welfare, education) as well as cultural, educational and political organisations.