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EN
The development of the civil society in Poland post-1989 has put the LGBT movement on the map of the country’s social landscape. As a corollary, it has also led to a greater social engagement of the non-heterosexual community striving for recognition of its demands. The establishment of the Campaign Against Homophobia (KPH) and the spread of the Internet in Poland have raised the Polish society’s awareness of the LGBT movement and made it part of the country’s political discourse. On the other hand, the perceived threat to the established conservative values of the Polish society has galvanised the opponents of the non-heterosexual community and its demands. The resulting dispute between the supporters and opponents of the LGBT movement and its professed ideas has placed the issue on the agenda of the Polish political parties.
EN
The activity of Campaign Against Homophobia constitutes a crucial element of the LGBT social movement in Poland. It is directed towards non-heterosexual people and for society in general. In this article the author analyze the activity of CAH, pointing the legal and psychological help especially for LGBT movement and educational activity among Polish society. It has to be underlined, that the analyzed organization in this article, deals with pro-health and educational polices and has great success in defending the rights of LGBT people in Poland. Worth noting is the publishing activity which consist of periodical reports of LGBT social situation in Poland.
PL
Działalność Kampanii Przeciw Homofobii stanowi istotny element funkcjonowania ruchu społecznego LGBT w Polsce. W niniejszym artykule autor dokona analizy działalności kampanii, wskazując pomoc prawną i psychologiczną dla osób LGBT oraz edukacyjną udzielaną polskiemu społeczeństwu. Należy podkreślić, że organizacja będąca przedmiotem analizy w niniejszym artykule prowadzi szeroko pojętą politykę prozdrowotną oraz edukacyjną, ma na swoim koncie także sukcesy w obronie praw osób LGBT w Polsce. Na uwagę zasługuje ponadto prowadzona działalność wydawnicza, wśród której istotny element stanowią wydawane cyklicznie raporty, obrazujące sytuację społeczną osób LGBT w Polsce.
EN
Recent years have seen Poland’s Civic Platform attempting to significantly expand its electoral base. The party has accepted a number of politicians into its ranks who were formerly affiliated with the Christian National Union (ZChN), the Liberal Democratic Congress(KLD), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This political make-up has made it practically impossible for the party to come up with a unified stance on such moral and social issues as permissibility of abortion, legalisation of same-sex partnerships, and in-vitro fertilisation. The author has described the position of the Civic Platform on a several moralcultural issues, and presented the party’s programme, activities and statements announced by its politicians. An analysis also includes the evolution of the party’s attitude to moral and cultural issues when it was in power (2007–2015).
PL
W ostatnich latach w Polsce Platforma Obywatelska stara się znacząco poszerzyć swoją bazę wyborczą. Partia przyjęła do swoich szeregów polityków, którzy dawniej byli związani ze Zjednoczeniem Chrześcijańsko-Narodowym (ZChN), Kongresem Liberalno-Demokratycznym (KLD) i Sojuszem Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD). Ten polityczny układ sprawia, że praktycznie niemożliwe jest to, aby partia wypracowała jednolite stanowisko w takich kwestiach moralno-kulturowych jak dopuszczalność aborcji, legalizacja związków partnerskich osób tej samej płci czy zapłodnienie in vitro. Autor artykułu opisuje stosunek Platformy Obywatelskiej do wielu kwestii moralno-kulturowych, przedstawiając stanowisko, aktywność i deklaracje składane przez jej polityków. Analiza będzie także ukazywać, jak ewoluowały te kwestie w czasach, kiedy partia sprawowała władzę w latach 2007–2015.
EN
The Young Democrats Association is currently one of the strongest youth organisations connected with political life in Western Pomerania. The aim of this article is to present the role of this organisation in social and political life of Western Pomerania. Apart from the analysis of materials available in the Internet space, the author has conducted interviews with representatives of Young Democrats and participated in participant observation during undertakings organised by the Association. Another important element of the article is to show the specificity of the region and the City of Szczecin, where the above-mentioned organisation operates.
PL
Stowarzyszenie Młodzi Demokraci należy obecnie do najsilniejszych organizacji młodzieżowych związanych z życiem politycznym na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie roli tej organizacji w życiu społecznym i politycznym województwa zachodniego. Oprócz analizy dostępnych w przestrzeni internetowej materiałów autor przeprowadził wywiady z przedstawicielami Młodych Demokratów oraz brał udział w obserwacji uczestniczącej podczas przedsięwzięć organizowanych przez Stowarzyszenie. Również istotnym elementem artykułu jest ukazanie specyfiki regionu i Miasta Szczecin, w którym wspomniana organizacja działa.
PL
W niniejszym artykule autor dokonał analizy porównawczej realizacji europejskich standardów praw człowieka wobec osób LGBT na przykładzie Polski, Niemiec, Ukrainy i Rosji. Osoby LGBT nie posiadają równych praw na kontynencie europejskim, nawet wśród państw członkowskich UE, które zobowiązane są do respektowania polityki równouprawnienia wobec każdej mniejszości. Niemcy stanowią przykład państwa, którego społeczeństwo było w stanie przezwyciężyć aspekty natury historycznej, a społeczna akceptacja dla osób LGBT przyszła szybciej, niż zmiany w systemie prawnym. W odróżnieniu od Republiki Federalnej Niemiec Polska zniosła karną sankcję kontaktów homoseksualnych już w 1932 roku. Jednakże nie wpłynęło to w zasadniczy sposób na zmianę mentalności społecznej, a osoby LGBT do chwili obecnej podlegają wykluczeniu społecznemu w różnych aspektach życia. Jeszcze gorzej wygląda realizacja europejskich standardów wobec osób nieheteroseksualnych na obszarze postradzieckim. Co prawda Ukraina i Rosja posiadają wobec osób LGBT odmienne przepisy prawne, a władze polityczne w obu państwach prowadzą zupełnie inne działania polityczne, to jednak w obu krajach istnieje społeczne przyzwolenie na wykluczenie osób LGBT z przestrzeni społecznej i politycznej.
EN
In this article author compares LGBT’s human rights standards in Poland, Germany, Ukraine, Russia and some Middle Eastern states. Members of the LGBT community have not equal rights in Europe, even in a European Union member states, which have to respect rights of any minority. In a case of Germany society sooner tend to accept LGBT people than this was reflected in a law system. It is interesting, that Poland has been decriminalizing homosexual activity in 1932, but this does not changed social atitudes, even now in this country LGBT sa socially excluded in many ways. Situation in post-Soviet states in even worse – in both Ukraine and Russia societies permits LGBT’s persons exclusion from the social and political sphere.
PL
The LGBT rights are lately one of the aspects of a social and political discourse both in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. In these countries of a common historical heritage there are some analogies in the perspective on human rights and their realization. It may be also noted that the LGBT rights have become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the LGBT rights are respected in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in both countries.
EN
The LGBT rights are lately one of the aspects of a social and political discourse both in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. In these countries of a common historical heritage there are some analogies in the perspective on human rights and their realization. It may be also noted that the LGBT rights have become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the LGBT rights are respected in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in both countries.
EN
The LGBT rights are one of the most crucial aspects of a social and political discourse in Poland and in the Russian Federation. Although in both countries there is a different system of power, and, what follows, human rights and their realization are perceived in a different way, in these two states the right of LGBT people become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the rights of LGBT people are perceived in Poland and in the Russian Federation. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in Poland and in Russia.
EN
In the article below the authors analyse the political, social and legal revaluations of human rights relating to non-heteronormative men in Germany, from the rise of the German Empire (Zweites Reich) till contemporary times. What is important is not only a change in the mentality of the German society throughout the last hundred years, but also the fact that the legal system of the Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik, BRD) was using a provision that had been created during the Nazi dictatorship and applied it to its own citizens. The authors of this article demonstrate that the social changes in the BRD in the second half of the 20th century were much faster than the amendment of the legal system; what is more, the BRD has not faced its Nazi past, failing to atone to homosexual men who had been persecuted on the basis of a Nazi legal provision, inherited and applied by a democratic state.
EN
The objective of this article is to present a critical analysis of selected elements of Nazi legacy in the Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik, BRD). The remnants of the Nazi system have been tolerated, and even sheltered by the authorities of West Germany in almost all aspects of life. A question arises, then, about the effectiveness of the denazification after the Second World War and about a change in mentality in German society, as it should be noted that some elements of Nazi legacy were abandoned only in the 21st century, and therefore the Federal Republic of Germany has not managed to fully make reparations to the victims of Nazism. This article also discusses the fact that in a post-totalitarian state it is extremely difficult to find ‘pristine’ biographies, considering the number of former members of NSDAP who filled important offices in the BRD.
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