Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 24

first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
EN
To the present day researchers in cinematography have not expressed any deeper interest in Józef Piłsudski. There are only texts devoted to newly released history films (such as reviews and minutes of editorial discussions in film magazines) and a few popular overview pieces. In national community’s collective experience, Marshal Józef Piłsudski invariably remains a national phantasm – an imaginary myth, a specific charism identified with the regaining of independence (“the great builder”, “the father of the independence”, “the leader of the nation”, “the great Marshall”, “the commanding officer” etc.) and the victory over the Bolsheviks in 1920 (exemplum of anti-communism). This article consists of two internally complementary parts. In the introduction the author presents the figure of Piłsudski in the interwar cinematography (1918–1939). The main part is then devoted to the analysis of three major feature films from the People’s Republic of Poland period (Death of a President, 1977, Coup d’État 1981, Polonia Restituta, 1980), in which Marshal Piłsudski is a key figure involved in the narrative about history. This part of the article focuses on the falsification of the historical picture (historical figures, events, processes), the image that in effect was far from the historical truth and in line with the guidelines of the ruling communist party. Attention is also paid to the film makers’ and scientific consultants’ entanglement in the communist system. The analysis is based on source materials (scenarios, press publications) and subject literature.
EN
Ezra Pound (1885–1975) was, next to Thomas Stearns Eliot, the most prominent American poet of modernist. He was considered the creator of vorticism and imagism — modern trends in art and world culture. In his works he reached to different eras and cultural trends. He was as well fascinated by medieval Provençal, Spanish and Italian literature, and Japanese art of haiku. On his work also had an impact scholasticism, Confucianism and Far East literature. In addition to poetry, Pound was also involved in literary criticism, painting and sculpture, he wrote historiosophical es­says and dramas. The greatest fame brought him, however, written for many years, „Canto”. During his stay in the British Isles he also dealt with politics and economics. He was considered a supporter of the theory of Social Credit of Hugh Douglas Clifford, aBritish engineer and economic theorist. In the early twenties Pound went to Italy. Here he became fascinated with fascism and the person of Benitto Musollini. In his works (including his poetic works) appeared clear fascist and anti-Semitic accents. He criticized Jewish international financiers and banking (critique of usury). During World War II he gave propaganda „talks” in the Italian radio. He praised the organization of the fascist state and fascism as an idea, and at the same time warned the threat from international Jewish conspiracy. His views meant that he was accused of collaboration and treason. He was arrested and imprisoned in the US prison camp near Genoa. He spent almost amonth in aclosed cage. During his stay in the camp he had nervous breakdown. After transportation to the United States for many years he was locked out in hospital for mentally ill. After leaving the hospital, he returned to public space. Still creative, he was nominated for the most prestigious literary awards. His works have been translated into many languages around the world, including Polish. He died in Italy in 1975.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę wielopłaszczyznowego ukazania podłoża wewnątrzśrodowiskowego konfliktu w Stowarzyszeniu PAX, który w 1955 r. doprowadził do poważnego w skutkach rozłamu. W pierwszej części tekstu skoncentrowano uwagę na genezie grupy, która opuści PAX. W drugiej części artykułu dokonano analizy procesu wewnętrznej dekompozycji Stowarzyszenia PAX, który doprowadził do opuszczenia jego szeregów przez tzw. frondę. Omówiono zarówno podstawowe źródła konfliktu, jak też przebieg wewnętrznego sporu, z uwzględnieniem optyki dwóch stron konfliktu. The article is an attempt at multi-faceted presentation of the underlying causes of the internal conflict within the PAX Association, which in 1955 led to a split with serious consequences. The first part focuses on the origins of the group which would leave PAX. The second part is and analysis of the process of internal decomposition of the PAX Association, which led the so-called Fronde to leave its ranks. The text discusses both the basic causes of the conflict, and its internal course, seen from the both sides.
EN
The history was discussed in the text presented here for the young Warsaw intellectuals who belonged to PPS at the end of the eighties and editors of the sheet “Miedzymorze” were. In the magazine one dealt the one between the three lakes with the difficulties of the cooperation mainly; countries meaning much to the Baltic Sea, the black sea and the Adriasee. The idea of the cooperation was stressed between Poland, Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania. These were established by the sheet the member of the circles belonged they to PPS and nevertheless emphasized your independence (the “Międzymorze” worked within the eastern part of PPS for short time). Five versions of the sheet were published within the five-year activity, a part of the editorial staff belonged to Towarzystwo “Pomost” which dealt with the difficulties of the national minorities in the PRL. „Koncepcja Piłsudskiego obejmowała nie Polskę narodową, lecz Wielkie Imperium Wschodnie, ogarniające ziemie Polski, Ukrainy, Litwy i Białorusi, imperium od Białego do czarnego Morza, dzielące Niemców i Rosjan, imperium oparte na fundamentach historycznych […] Wymarzone przez Piłsudskiego Imperium Wschodnie nie byłoby federacją, byłoby to Imperium Dominiów albo Polskie Imperium Dominiów”.
EN
The article presents the analysis of Polish Independence Party’s (Polska Partia Niepodległościowa – PPN) independence program in the years 1985–1989. The contribution of PPN to contemporary political thought has remained unnoticed in Polish research work. PPN was formed in the mid-eighties from people belonging to pro-independence environments and former, especially young, activists of „PAX” Society. PPN defines itself as a “modern right wing party”. Its program referred both to Pilsudski’s and National Democracy heritage. The influence of the liberal thought is also to be found there, especially concerning civil rights and freedoms, as well as the impact of some solutions in the sphere of economy.
PL
The following article presents the political structure postulates of the Conservative Party(1992–1997) aiming at the “reconstruction of the state” during the first years of systemtransformations (up to 1997). Conservative Party is the main representative of the so-calledneoconservatism (democonservatism) in Poland. In its program, it combines the basis ofconservative axiology, cognitive optimism, acceptance of democracy and the notion of modern rule of law in the state (decentralized with strong public institutions) that is buildon Christian values. The article analyzes the following notions: 1) relationships between anindividual and the community; 2) the position of religion and ethics in public space (includingthe model for the state-Church relations); 3) organization of the political structure of the state(the model, system of government, relations between authorities, judicial system and bodiesof government control); 4) local government model (decentralization versus regional state);5) economy structure model (liberalism versus restricted interventionism); 6) the idea ofa civil society and state.Key words: contemporary political conservatism, political parties of the Third PolishRepublic, political system
PL
The following article presents the political structure postulates of the Conservative Party(1992–1997) aiming at the “reconstruction of the state” during the first years of systemtransformations (up to 1997). Conservative Party is the main representative of the so-calledneoconservatism (democonservatism) in Poland. In its program, it combines the basis ofconservative axiology, cognitive optimism, acceptance of democracy and the notion of modern rule of law in the state (decentralized with strong public institutions) that is buildon Christian values. The article analyzes the following notions: 1) relationships between anindividual and the community; 2) the position of religion and ethics in public space (includingthe model for the state-Church relations); 3) organization of the political structure of the state(the model, system of government, relations between authorities, judicial system and bodiesof government control); 4) local government model (decentralization versus regional state);5) economy structure model (liberalism versus restricted interventionism); 6) the idea ofa civil society and state.Key words: contemporary political conservatism, political parties of the Third PolishRepublic, political system
EN
This paper presents political and ideological evolution of PAX Association in the early months of the so-called “Carnival of Solidarność [Solidarity]” (August–December 1980). It concentrates on basic assumptions of ideology and program of progressive Catholics’ movement under continuous leadership of Bolesław Piasecki until the end of World War II and on their modifications after his death. It also focuses on the concept of “socialism of the whole nation”, promoted by the Association, self-government, democratization, widening of the so-called “government base”, and development of common ground for national consensus (from the National Agreement Movement to the Great Coalition). It analyses relationships between PAX Association, independent trade unions (NSZZ “Solidarność”) and government apparatus. According to PAX’s program, “Solidarność” was not just a typical trade union, but a social, nation-wide movement for reclaiming of civil laws. Therefore it was supposed to participate in decision making at government level as an independent being, this creating a new “vertical axis” of state structures. During the period of “Carnival of Solidarność” many PAX members joined independent trade unions. The Association contributed significantly to establishment of trade union structures.
PL
W prezentowanym artykule omówiona została ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w pierwszych miesiącach tzw. „festiwalu Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980). Przedstawiono podstawowe założenia ideologii i programu ruchu katolików postępowych w okresie, gdy kierował nim nieprzerwanie do zakończenia II wojny światowej Bolesław Piasecki, i ich rewizję po jego śmierci. Skoncentrowano się zwłaszcza na lansowanych przez stowarzyszenie koncepcjach „socjalizmu całego narodu”, samorządności, demokratyzacji, poszerzenia „bazy rządzenia”, wypracowania płaszczyzn do porozumienia narodowego (od Ruchu Porozumienia Narodowego do Wielkiej Koalicji). Analizie poddano również relacje pomiędzy PAX a niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi (NSZZ „Solidarność) oraz aparatem partyjno-rządowym. W programie PAX „Solidarność” nie była typowym związkiem zawodowym, ale społecznym (ogólnonarodowym) ruchem rewindykacji praw obywatelskich, dlatego przewidywano, że powinien on uczestniczyć jako podmiot w podejmowaniu decyzji państwowych, tworząc nową „oś pionową” struktur państwowych. W okresie „festiwali Solidarności” z niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi związało się wielu członków PAX. Stowarzyszenie włączyło się czynnie w pomoc przy zakładaniu struktur związkowych.
EN
The article presents the geopolitical concepts of Henryk Krzeczkowski. Krzeczkowski was a translator of British literature, but addrresed also the political issues. The considerable part of his political or rather ideological and political reflection dealt with international problems, namely the location between Germany and Russia. The direct inspiration of his work should be traced back to Roman Dmowski’s political thought and Feliks Koneczny’s philosophy of history. The fundaments of Krzeczkowski’s geopolitical concept were based on the assumption that because of the fatalism of history and Poland’s location “between Germany and Russia” the country needed to seek agreement (rational agreement) with Russia. As representative of compromise Krzeczkowski was a part of Polish realistic stream and alongside Aleksander Bocheński, Ksawery Pruszyński and Stefan Kisielewski was one of the most outstanding figures of political realism in the second half of the 20th century.
EN
The article discusses the idea of regionalism and its place in the agenda and activity of Unia Wielkopolan [Union of Wielkopolanie]. Unia Wielkopolan (UW) is one of the oldest organisations (societies) in the III Republic of Poland concentrated on the promotion of Wielkopolska’s regionalism still operating today. The text presents the political proposals by UW as well as its activity in the fields of culture, economy and society. It discusses the most important initiatives, range of activity and methods (tools) used to achieve UW statutory aims. Additionally, the functioning of UW is presented in a broader political context. Author also attempts to place organisation’s activity within the variety of societies sharing very similar aims, therefore emphasising the importance of this organisation in the local and regional perspectives. Main goal of UW today is promoting local entrepreneurship. Organisation’s trademark is well functioning Wielkopolski Instytut Jakości [Wielkopolska’s Institute of Quality]. Today, the Union is one of the oldest societies, alongside Zrzeszenie Kaszubsko-Pomorskie and Ruch Autonomii Śląska, bravely and uncompromisingly supporting the regional character of the III Republic of Poland. However, the range of its influences and activity is not so wide as it used to be at the beginning of the 1990s.
PL
W artykule dokonano analizy promocji regionalizmu w działalności Unii Wielkopolan. Unia Wielkopolan (UW) jest jedną z najstarszych organizacji (stowarzyszeń) w III RP, której zadania i cele koncentrują się na promocji szeroko rozumianego regionalizmu, lokalnej przedsiębiorczości, edukacji i historycznego dziedzictwa regionu. Tekst przedstawia propozycje polityczne zgłaszane przez UW, a także omawia działalność w dziedzinie kulturalnej, gospodarczej (ekonomicznej) i społecznej. Zwrócono także uwagę na najważniejsze inicjatywy stowarzyszenia. Analizę usytuowano w szerszym kontekście, uwzględniającym transformację polityczną, społeczną i ekonomiczną III RP. Działalność UW osadzono na tle aktywności innych organizacji krajowych promujących idee regionalizmu. „Okrętem flagowym” Unii pozostał dobrze prosperujący Wielkopolski Instytut Jakości. Unia Wielkopolan jest jednym z najstarszych, obok Zrzeszenia Kaszubsko- Pomorskiego i Ruchu Autonomii Śląska, stowarzyszeń odważnie i bezkompromisowo opowiadających się za regionalnym kształtem III Rzeczypospolitej. Obecnie zakres jej wpływów i oddziaływanie nie są już tak duże, jak na początku lat 90. XX w.
EN
The article presents speculative views, visions and concepts of the clandestine organisation ‘Union’ on the post-war state order. The following things have been analysed: the political and social system, the economic system, geopolitics, the shape of borders, culture and the question of national minorities. In addition, the article includes a predicted scenario of changes (evolution) in international relations. The article is based on various sources (archival materials, published documents, press and memoirs), monographs and academic articles.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono spekulatywne poglądy, wizje i koncepcje konspiracyjnej organizacji „Unia” na powojenny ład państwowy. Analizą objęto: ustrój polityczny, społeczny, ekonomiczno-gospodarczy, geopolitykę i kształt granic oraz kulturę. Ponadto uwzględniono kwestię mniejszości narodowych i przewidywane scenariusze zmian (ewolucji) w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Wykorzystano materiały źródłowe (archiwalia, dokumenty publikowane, prasę, wspomnienia i pamiętniki i publicystykę) oraz opracowania (prace zwarte i artykuły naukowe).
PL
Włodzimierz Kulczycki (1852–1936), należał do czołowych przedstawicieli elity naukowej miasta Lwowa. Był lekarzem weterynarii, zoologiem, wybitnym anatomem ssaków, profesorem, prorektorem i rektorem Akademii Medycyny Weterynaryjnej we Lwowie. Odbył studia zakresie nauk przyrodniczych w Wiedniu, następnie we Lwowie. Otrzymał również dyplom lekarza weterynarii. W latach 1882–1934 pracował w lwowskiej Akademii Medycyny Weterynaryjnej, najpierw jako asystent, następnie wykładowca, od 1906 r. jako profesor, kierownik Katedry (Zakładu) Anatomii Opisowej, Topograficznej, Histologii i Embriologii (następnie po zmianach Zakładem Anatomii Porównawczej). Pracował również na stanowisku lekarza weterynarii w Lwowskim Towarzystwie Tramwajów Konnych, jako miejski lekarz weterynarii i weterynarz kontroli bydła i mięsa na lwowskich kolejach. Dorobek naukowy prof. Kulczyckiego obejmuje około 60 publikacji (prac zwartych, studiów i artykułów naukowych, omówień, recenzji etc.). Obszar badań i zainteresowań naukowych W. Kulczyckiego był niezwykle szeroki, a zarazem różnorodny. Zasłynął jako wybitny anatom ssaków i zoolog, twórca preparatów anatomicznych (kontynuator prac prof. Henryka Kadyego). Prowadził prace badawcze nad anatomią i fizjologią ptaków, anatomią i etiologią chorób bydła i koni. Zajmował się również parazytologią, hipiatrią, prowadził interdyscyplinarne studia z pogranicza etnografii i etnologii, interesowała go klimatologia i demografia krajów Orientu i Azji Środkowej, indianistyka oraz fauna głębinowa oceanów. Kolekcjonerską pasję kobierniczą (1906–1936) umiejętnie łączył z badaniami orientalistycznymi, stając się niekwestionowanych autorytetem w tej dziedzinie, jednocześnie gromadząc największą na ziemiach polskich kolekcję starych tkanin orientalnych. W 1934 r. za wybitne osiągnięcia na polu nauki i postawę podczas okupacji Lwowa przez Rosję (1914–1915) otrzymał doktorat honoris causa Akademii Medycyny Weterynaryjnej we Lwowie.
EN
Vladimir Kulchytsky (1852–1936), was one of the leading representatives of the scientific elite of the city of Lviv. He was a veterinarian, zoologist, an outstanding mammalian anatomist, professor, pro-rector and rector of the Academy of Veterinary Medicine in Lviv. He did his studies in natural sciences in Vienna, then in Lviv. He also received a diploma in veterinary medicine. From 1882 to 1934 he worked at the Lviv Academy of Veterinary Medicine, first as an assistant, then as a lecturer, and from 1906 as a professor, head of the Department (Department) of Descriptive Anatomy, Topography, Histology and Embryology (later, after changes, the Department of Comparative Anatomy). He also worked as a veterinarian at the Lviv Horse Tram Society, as a city veterinarian and as a veterinarian for the control of cattle and meat on the Lviv railroads. Prof. Kulchytsky’s scientific output includes about 60 publications (compact works, studies and scientific articles, discussions, reviews, etc.). The area of research and scientific interests of V. Kulchytsky was extremely wide and at the same time diverse. He became famous as an outstanding mammalian anatomist and zoologist, creator of anatomical preparations (continuing the work of Prof. Henryk Kadye). He conducted research work on avian anatomy and physiology, the anatomy and etiology of cattle and horse diseases. He was also involved in parasitology, hippiatry, conducted interdisciplinary studies on the borderline between ethnography and ethnology, was interested in climatology and demography of the countries of the Orient and Central Asia, Indian studies and deep-sea fauna of the oceans. He skillfully combined his collecting passion for carpentry (1906–1936) with orientalist research, becoming an undisputed authority in this field, while amassing the largest collection of old oriental textiles on Polish soil. In 1934, he received an honorary doctorate from the Academy of Veterinary Medicine in Lviv for his outstanding achievements in the field of science and his attitude during the occupation of Lviv by Russia (1914–1915).
EN
This article discusses the short history of a group of university students gathered around a Warsaw periodical Akademik, published from 1945 to 1947 as a mouthpiece of Towarzystwo Bratnich Pomocy. The article analyses periodical’s content and provides a general picture of this group. Akademik’s editorial team and its fellows and publicists were members of different youth organisations (including political ones), such as Academic Association of Young Fighters (AZWM „Zycie”), ZNOS, OKSMW “Wici”, Democratic Youth Association (ZMD), Bratnie Pomoce, Academic Section of Former Political Prisoners (Sekcja Akademicka Bylych Wiezniow Politycznych) and Academic Sports Association (AZS). Akademik commented on various topics, such as life at the academia and students’ accommodation, but it also featured polemic articles on ideology and politics. Around a year before the last issue was published a group of students left the editorial team and began to work with Stronnictwo Pracy.
EN
The article analyzes the participation of Polish athletes in the World Speedway Pair Championships (1971 –1981). The article is located on the border between the history of sport and biography (collective portrait). Not only the conditions of purely sports rivalry were taken into account, but also the influence of ideology, pressure of the communist party and national/industry sports associations (e.g. PZM/Polish Motor Association and GKSŻ/Main Speedway Sport Commission). A collective portrait of Polish athletes was also drawn, exposing the most outstanding figures, such as Andrzej Wyględa, Paweł Waloszek, Antoni Woryna, Jerzy Szczakiel, Edward Jancarz and Zenon Plech. The article is based on sources (sports and daily/party press) and subject literature. Research methods specific to historical sciences were used.
EN
The article discusses the genesis of Janusz Zabłocki’s manifesto (memorial) entitled “For the National and Social Authenticity of Polish Socialism.” It is a document presenting the view of Zabłocki (the founder of the Center for Documentation and Social Studies, and at the same time one of the leaders of the “Znak” movement) on several issues: 1) the conflict within the Polish United Workers’ Party, 2) the background and consequences of the March 1968 revolt; 3) the possibility of dialogue and democratization; 4) the so-called Jewish question and anti-Semitism; 4) the “national self-determination” of society. In fact, Zabłocki, declaring his neutrality towards internal conflicts in the Communist Party, actually recognized that Gomulka and his closest associates (e.g., Zenon Kliszko) were no longer guarantors of democratisation, and that their previous position was being eroded. Without ruling out “playing two pianos,” he opted for the party’s “national-patriotic” current (the “partisan” faction), open to Polish tradition, history and culture, while being openly anti-Semitic. Making a diagnosis of the balance of real forces in the party, he concluded that the “national communists” had a better chance of realizing the reform program and democratization. This was met with criticism from the other “Znak” deputies and much of the movement as a whole. Initially Zabłocki intended to express his point of view in the Sejm, but eventually did so in the memorial “For the National and Social Authenticity of Polish Socialism”, which was to appear in the pages of “Więź” (but was never printed). The document itself was maintained in the convention of anti-March newspeak (twinned with party press propaganda), and the formulations contained therein, and not at all invalid, but directly contained support for the “national” current in the PZPR. The views and opinions expressed by Zabłocki deepened the crisis in the “Znak” movement, which had been growing for years.
PL
W artykule omówiono genezę manifestu (memoriału) Janusza Zabłockiego pt. „O narodowy i społeczny autentyzm polskiego socjalizmu”. Jest to dokument prezentujący poglądy Zabłockiego (założyciela Ośrodka Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych, a zarazem jednego z liderów ruchu „Znak” na kilka spraw: 1) konflikt wewnątrz PZPR; 2) podłoże i konsekwencje buntu marcowego z 1968 r.; możliwości dialogu i demokratyzacji; 4) tzw. kwestię żydowską i antysemityzm; „narodowe samookreślanie się” społeczeństwa. Zabłocki, deklarując swoją neutralność wobec wewnętrznych konfliktów w partii komunistycznej, w istocie uznał, że Gomułka i jego najbliżsi współpracownicy (np. Zenon Kliszko) nie są już gwarantami demokratyzacji, a ich dotychczasowa pozycja ulega erozji. Nie wykluczając „gry na dwóch fortepianach”, opowiedział się za partyjnym nurtem „narodowo-patriotycznym” (frakcją „partyzantów”), otwartym na polską tradycję, historię i kulturę, a jednocześnie jawnie antysemickim. Dokonawszy diagnozy układu rzeczywistych sił w partii, uznał, że większe szanse na urzeczywistnienie programu reform i demokratyzację mają „narodowi komuniści”. Spotkało się to z krytyką pozostałych posłów „Znaku” i znacznej części całego ruchu. Początkowo swój punkt widzenia Zabłocki zamierzał wyrazić w sejmie, ostatecznie zrobił to w memoriale „O narodowy i społeczny autentyzm polskiego socjalizmu”, który miał się ukazać na łamach „Więzi” (nigdy jednak go nie wydrukowano). Sam tekst jest utrzymamy w konwencji nowomowy antymarcowej (stosowanej w partyjnej propagandzie prasowej), a zawarte w nim sformułowania wyrażają wprost poparcie dla nurtu „narodowego” w PZPR. Poglądy i opinie Zabłockiego pogłębiły narastający od lat kryzys w ruchu „Znak”.
EN
The authors of the article carried out an analysis of sports contacts between Poland and Romania in the time of Stalinism by taking into account the ideological and organisational changes in both countries’ sport as well as sport rivalry. Of importance was also presenting the implementation of the Soviet model of physical culture in Poland and Romania coupled with difficulties and barriers to sports cooperation between Poland and Romania.
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.