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EN
The article analyses the arm of radical political Russian monarchism that operated in Vilnius between 1906 and 1914, and consisted of local branches of imperial parties, such as the Union of the Russian People, Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People, and the Russian People’s Union of the Archangel Michael. It offers a brief overview of the emergence, development and activities of these branches, lists some of their members, and tracks their migration through ideologically similar organisations. The research has revealed that the main supporters of radical monarchism in Vilnius were individual politically engaged Orthodox clergymen, Old Believer businessmen, teachers in public and private schools, civil servants, railway workers, etc. Not only did the radical monarchists take part in the city’s political life, they were particularly active in their economic activity, setting up workers’ cartels, carrying out huge orders producing apparel for soldiers in local garrisons, and opening tea shops and reading rooms where one could feel their ideology clearly. After the 1912 elections to the Fourth Duma, members of the movement discontinued their previous political activities, and together with other conservative public and religious organisations that operated in Vilnius, settled for the dissemination of their ideology and economic activity.
LT
Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas 1906–1914 m. Vilniuje veikęs politinio rusiško radikalaus monarchizmo sparnas, kurį sudarė imperinių partijų „Rusų tautos sąjungos“, „Visos Rusijos Dubrovino vardo rusų tautos sąjungos“ ir „Arkangelo Mykolo vardo rusų tautinės sąjungos“ vietiniai skyriai. Trumpai apžvelgiamas skyrių atsiradimas, raida ir veikla, identifikuojami nariai ir jų migracija per ideologiškai artimas organizacijas. Tyrimas atskleidė, kad pagrindiniai radikalaus monarchizmo rėmėjai Vilniuje buvo pavieniai politiškai angažuoti stačiatikių dvasininkai, sentikių verslininkai, valstybinių ir privačių mokyklų mokytojai, tarnautojai, geležinkelių darbininkai ir kt. Radikalūs monarchistai ne tik dalyvavo miesto politiniame gyvenime, jie ypač aktyviai stengėsi vystyti ekonominę veiklą, steigė darbininkų arteles, apsiėmė vykdyti didžiulius trikotažo gaminių siuvimo vietinio garnizono kariams užsakymus ir įsteigė arbatinę bei skaityklą, kur jautėsi jų ideologijos dvasia. Po 1912 m. rinkimų į Ketvirtąją dūmą šios srovės atstovai beveik visiškai nutraukė aktyvesnę politinę veiklą ir kartu su Vilniuje veikusiomis konservatyviomis visuomeninėmis ir religinėmis organizacijomis daugiausia užsiėmė savo ideologijos sklaida bei ekonomine veikla.
EN
The article offers a brief overview of German military Masonic lodges, their origin, evolution, and the attitude towards the war, which were known to foster humanistic principles. Two military lodges, the German Guard on the River Nemunas (Deutsche Wacht an der Memel), and Vilnius for the Flaming Sword (Wilna zum Flammenden Schwert), which operated in present-day Lithuania from 1916 to 1918, are subjected to a detailed analysis. The aim of the study is to offer some information about the two specific and little-known branches of the German Freemasonry on the foreign soil.
LT
Straipsnyje trumpai apžvelgiamos vokiečių masonų karinės ložės, aptariamos jų ištakos, raida bei šios humanistinius principus puoselėjusios brolijos požiūris į karą. Konkrečiau analizuojamos dvi 1916–1918 m. šiandieninės Lietuvos teritorijoje veikusios karinės ložės „Vokiečių sargyba prie Nemuno“ (Deutsche Wacht an der Memel) ir „Vilnius liepsnojančiam kalavijui“ (Wilna zum Flammenden Schwert). Tyrimo tikslas – pateikti šiek tiek daugiau informacijos apie šias labai menkai žinomas masonų ordino šakas bei joms priklausiusius narius.
EN
The study aims to briefly discuss one of the postWWI phenomena, namely the stateexercised coercion and terror that was used under the pretext of consolidation, pacification and control of the Lithuanian society. By following similar tendencies in the neighbouring countries, an attempt is made to answer whether the socalled “white terror” took place in Lithuania, to identify its forms, causes and consequences, as well as its beginning and end. The study discusses several sensitive cases that pertained to such highranking and prominent military as Povilas Plechavičius, Vincas Grigaliūnas Glovackis, and Brunonas Štencelis. Through these and other cases the hardships of the postwar life in Lithuania, the pending threats as well as mechanisms of social and political engineering are revealed. The collapse of the German military policing system in late 1918 resulted in the rapid growth of disorder, banditism and overall anarchy in the country. The newly formed Lithuanian army, security and law enforcement structures were inevitably affected by the tendencies. Soon the use of terror and coercion were appropriated by the military and security forces and indiscriminately employed against everyone who disobeyed their orders. Thus, some of the military and militia units while still declaring the power given by the state, became nothing short of bandit and raider groups. The level of the disobedience peaked during 1920. Attempts to suppress the acts of terror and violence perpetrated by the highranking officers like Plechavičius, Glovackis, and many other, did not bear any results. It exposed the difficult position that the Lithuanian leadership was in: on the one hand the military and militia were defending the country from the advancing enemy armies, on the other hand some of them were committing crimes and killing innocent civilians. However, starting from 1921, the Cabinet of Ministers took a radically different approach: abandoned the fight against the violence and terror, and started inventing excuses to justify the acts of violence as the necessary part in the defence of the state. Lastly, from early 1919, another indicative phenomenon emerged – namely a division into the right and leftwing Lithuanian society. This line then became the marker for the identification of “enemies of the state” which in turn led to the forced ideological unification by means of coercion. This is clearly seen in the works and discussions of the Constituent Assembly (1920–1922). In particular, the parliamentary majority – the Lithuanian Christian Democrats and their supporters – demonstrated a clear-cut nationalist and traditionalist perception of the state. Therefore, since early 1919 and especially after winning the parliametary majority in 1920, this political group successfully managed to exploit and even indirectly fuel the ongoing campaign of terror against the political adversaries and their supporters. Finally, the cycle of the state-orchestrated terror and coercion that began in 1919, to greater or smaller extent continued until 1940.
EN
The article focuses on the rivalry between Orthodox and Catholic communities for the domination in the city. It is believed that the key events which helped escalate interreligious tension in Vilnius were the attachment of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church to the Orthodox Church in 1839 and the relocation of the centre of the Consistory of the Lithuanian Orthodox Church from Zhirovichi (Grodno governorate) to Vilnius (1845). The central figure in the deliberate or nondeliberate escalation of the conflict between the Catholic and the Orthodox Church was Joseph Semashko, metropolitan bishop of the Orthodox Church. An odd policy of “intervention” aimed at the entrenchment of the leading position of the Orthodox Church in the Catholic northwestern governorates and Vilnius was pursued on his initiative. The 1840s–1850s witnessed the initial phase of penetration, first of all characterized by the material entrenchment of the “new” representatives of the Orthodox Church (i.e. first and foremost those converted from the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church). Transfer of buildings confiscated from Catholics by the Tsar’s government to the Orthodox Church, their conversion into Orthodox churches, consecration, establishment of relationships with the local authorities, first attempts to restrain the public religious life of Catholics, etc. which took place after the November Uprising (1831) were leading to a direct confrontation with the Catholic Church and violations of the traditionally settled life of the city’s religious communities. Although no overt conflicts between Vilnius religious communities were detected in the relevant period, the escalating religious tension was obvious in the described events. Despite the fact that the bigger share of the intended religious policy of “intervention” failed to achieve its goals, it can be stated that it laid grounds for the Orthodoxization and Russification processes initiated after 1863.
EN
Organized physical training and sports as a pastime originated in the 19th century and rapidly escalated after World War I, thus acquiring obvious militaristic forms. This for the most part can be associated with the radicalization of right- and left-wing ideologies which spared much more attention to military training of their members than to mass physical training. Until the coup d’état of December 17, 1926 Lithuania hardly participated in these pan-European socio-political processes. However, with the ascent to power of A. Smetona and A. Voldemaras, the new regime took up a wider secularization and nationalistic indoctrination of the society and the situation changed. Pursuing a more particular political identity of the national state, aspiring to more efficiently ideologically mobilize the Lithuanian society and at the same time combat powerful internal and external opponents, time and time again eyes were turned to the example of fascist Italy which would boast of unparalleled results. This article briefly reviews a single aspect of the relationship between ideology and sports, namely the attempts of representatives of the Lithuanian radical right who formed a covert governmental profascist organization – Lithuanian national guard movement “Geležinis vilkas” (“The Iron Wolf”), publicly known as sports association “Geležinis vilkas”, to militarize part of the Lithuanian society (especially the young generation) under the cover of sports and at the same time, following certain methods of the fascist Italy, enhance public support of A. Smetona and A. Voldemaras’ regime, by means of interventional tactics of surveillance, control and coercion as well as forming combatant squads of radical nationalists. Implementation of the Lithuanian programme of “fascist intervention” was aimed not only at the takeover, control and “depuration” from ideologically disloyal elements of the country’s governmental institutions and public organizations, but also at striping the country’s society of all reservations in trusting “the nation’s leaders”. The above-described situation in the jargon of the Lithuanian national guard was referred to as Lithuania’s “wolfization”.
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