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EN
The gastronomic discourse in Czechoslovakia from 1948 to 1989 took a special form under the infl uence of the Communist régime, in particular targeted State intervention. Among its features was the excessive promotion of ‘rational nutrition’, while its opposite (especially in the 1950s), haute-cuisine , was squeezed out. Throughout Europe in the second half of the twentieth century cultural transfers in gastronomy increased in intensity and this trend partly affected Czech gastronomy as well. The article considers the question of what role the cuisines of the ‘fraternal countries’, that is, the Soviet Union and the rest of the Soviet bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, played in these transfers. Cultural transfers in gastronomy occurred in three closely linked forms. First, there was the publication of recipes and articles related to the culinary arts, some of which included recipes from foreign cuisine in material consumption norms. The second important factor was personal encounters with foreign cuisine when travelling or at home thanks to visits and sojourns by people of other nationalities. In addition, restaurants specializing in foreign cuisine were established. The third form of gastronomic cultural transfer resulted from the importation of foodstuffs. In all three types of transfer, the cuisines of the fraternal countries of the East bloc were given preference. The structure of imports was clearly subordinated to the continuous shortage of hard currency. The large volume of tourism from one East bloc country to another far outweighed travel to the countries of the West. Ideological preferences, particularly in consumption norms, were also reflected in the availability of literature related to gastronomy. But by far not all cuisines of the East bloc countries were promoted, or received, in Czechoslovakia to the same extent. Most impulses came from Balkan and Hungarian cuisines, while the fewest came from East Germany. The transfer of different kinds of dishes from the Balkans and Hungary appears to be an ideologically contingent innovation; but a comparison with the situation in Austria in the same period indicates that one should be wary of simplistic interpretations. The greatest difference between Communist Czechoslovakia and the countries of western Europe with similar systems of alimentation is probably best reflected in the smaller size and slower diffusion of culinary transfer from capitalist countries, for example, Italy or the USA. After the Changes of late 1989, the politically motivated preference for the cuisine of East bloc countries vanished and in the Czech Republic gastronomic trends similar to those in other European countries have since become established. Nonetheless, traces of the influence of ‘fraternal cuisine’ have remained, particularly in cheap restaurants and offi ce, factory, and school cafeterias.
EN
The authors consider the changes in the conception, organization, ways of spending, and forms of leisure in the Bohemian Lands from the establishment of the Communist monopoly on power in early 1948 to the second half of the 1950s. (After this point leisure began here began strikingly to change under the influence of consumerist trends.) They consider the topic in the context of the dominant ideology and changes in economic, social, and arts policies. The authors take into account gender differences, contrasts between town and country, and special features of social groups. They pay particular attention to leisure amongst young people and children. The authors do not, however, see the Communist takeover of Anotace 745 February 1948 as a watershed in the sphere of leisure. Instead, they demonstrate both the continuity and differences between the period of limited democracy, from May 1945 to February 1948, and the years that followed. In some cases, they highlight features that were identical in Nazi German and Communist approaches to leisure activities (the rejection of jazz, ‘trash’ ( brak ) in the arts, and Western influences in general). The authors discuss how the Communist régime intervened intensively in the way people chose to spend their free time, in its endeavour to shape a new type of man and woman in the new social conditions. At the same time, particularly in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the State so emphasized the importance of the work of building socialism, that leisure was seen as a ‘necessary evil’, since it used up valuable physical and mental energy that would have been better spent on increasing productivity. For the same aims, but also with regard to the idea of somewhat democratizing the arts, the regime gave preference to activities such as political and vocational self-education as well as the study of selected arts and cultural values. In keeping with the subordination of the individual to the interests of society, collective forms of recreation and the leisure (holidays spent with groups of co-workers, mass group visits to plays, films, concerts, museums, galleries, and, later, Pioneer camps) were given priority. Traditional club activity and individual leisure were seen as ‘bourgeois survivals’. Some young people’s non-conformist leisure activities met with suspicion from the authorities or with outright repression. Amongst the models of leisure that the régime held worthy of emulation were the Socialist youth building enterprises ( stavby mládeže ), ‘volunteer’ work, and additional instruction or training. The new organizations, such as the Revolutionary Trade-union Movement (Revoluční odborové hnutí – ROH), the Czechoslovak Youth Organization (Československý svaz mládeže – ČSM), and the Association for Work with the Army (Svaz pro spolupráci s armádou – Svazarm), which took the place of the earlier clubs and associations, comported with the new ideology and provided the required forms of leisure. The authorities endeavoured also to support considerably developed and differentiated hobbies, such as making art, playing board games, and collecting. Special facilities were established to run these activities, including the enterprise-based clubs of the ROH, arts centres ( kulturní domy ), and popular-education organizations ( osvětové besedy ). Forms of universally accessible activity, like chess and phillumeny (collecting matchbox labels), were supported, whereas as fi nancially more demanding hobbies or those linked to private gain, such as philately or numismatics, were marginalized. A slight retreat from the ideologized conception of leisure came with the so-called ‘new course’ of 1953. But more striking changes were made in the second half of the 1950s. These years, which saw shorter working weeks, a higher standard of living than before, and the emergence of consumerist trends, are described by the authors as a period of the planned expansion of leisure and its gradual individualization.
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