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Vývoj se nevrací - odsouvané problémy ano

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Kodýtek V.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2006
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vol. 67
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issue 3
195-204
EN
We support Čermák, Sgall and Vybíral’s (2005) call for discussion on standard Czech. Based on the empirical data summarized in this paper, we argue that the non-literary varieties of Czech, at least as far as they are used in unofficial public and semi-public discourse, should be considered a part of the colloquial standard Czech rather than “substandard” (inter)dialects. We emphasize two basic assumptions: 1) language should not be regulated, and 2) continuity of the standard should be maintained. Standard Czech could be defined as the union of two clearly distinguished notions – Literary Czech (as the core) and the completed colloquial layer, with a penetrable boundary in between the two.
2
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Znovu k Vachkově teorii psané formy jazyka

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Kodýtek V.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2011
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vol. 72
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issue 2
118-129
EN
The key points of Josef Vachek’s theory of written language (Vachek, 1939, rev. 1959) can be summarized as follows: (1) Speech and writing are complementary, i.e., for a given communicative situation, one is more convenient than the other. Writing serves, as a rule, more specialized functions (purposes) than speech does, which makes it the marked member of the pair. (2) Writing is (a) governed by a norm of its own (social aspect), and (b) no longer a second-order semiotic system for experienced readers (cognitive aspect). Quite recently, Adam (2009) has criticized Vachek’s approach as being old-fashioned and empirically inadequate, and has suggested replacing it with a theory based “on the substance only”. The purpose of the present paper is to recall Vachek’s theory and to demonstrate that most of Adam’s arguments are irrelevant or misleading
3
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Mluvená čeština v Praze a Brně: sonda do mluvených korpusů

100%
Kodýtek V.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2007
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vol. 68
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issue 1
23-37
EN
This article examines selected variations in spoken Czech in two sub-corpora of the Czech National Corpus: the Prague Spoken Corpus (PSC) and the Brno Spoken Corpus (BSC). These include the prothetic v- at the beginning of words starting with o-, variations in case endings of hard stem adjectives and the third person indicative plural endings in major verb classes, as well as the usage of the personal pronoun já and/or the auxiliary verb jsem in the past tense forms. Our interpretation of changes in apparent time is checked against data from the relevant literature. The most significant change is the decline of the prothetic v- in the BSC, reported for Brno earlier by Krčmová (1981, 1997). We show that it is female speakers who are leading this change. The PSC informal speech is stable, while a significant shift toward colloquial variants has been identified in formal discourse. In the past tense, the form without the auxiliary jsem is rare except for já myslel(a) in the PSC.
4
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Ke klasifikaci morfologických variant

63%
Cvrček V., Kodýtek V.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2013
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vol. 74
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issue 2
139-145
EN
After briefly discussing the heterogeneities inherent to language production and how they influence corpus evidence, we describe a scale for the classification of individual morphological variants by their relative frequencies that has recently been independently proposed in Mluvnice současné češtiny (2010) (A Grammar of Contemporary Czech, hereafter GCCz), of which we are co-authors, and in Bermel & Knittl (2012). Those variants with relative frequency (roughly) within 1% and 10% are classified by the respective authors as “sparse” and “marked”, and those occurring in (roughly) less than 1% cases as “unexpected” and “isolated”. Another feature of the scale is the “equipollence” of variants of a doublet having relative frequencies within (roughly) 1/3 and 2/3 (for this criterion see also Štícha 2009). The scale in GCCz is heuristically based on Shannon entropy and valid for synchronic functionally equivalent variants. Recently, R. Čech (2012) has claimed to have revealed “a serious statistical deficiency” in GCCz. We show that this is a misunderstanding stemming from his not distinguishing between the null-hypothesis statistical significance testing and the effect size evaluation. We end with a brief note on the structure of the resources employed in GCCz.
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