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Slavia Orientalis
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2008
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vol. 57
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issue 1
23-46
EN
The Russian intelligentsia of the 19th century emerged as a result of Russo-Western confrontation. Dilemmas connected with the process of self-identication, of Russia as a country and of the intelligentsia as a new social group, focused in the intelligentsia's attitude towards peasants. The Decembrists wanted to give the way to the values that later were defined by Peter Chaadaev as fundamental for the Western culture: law, justice, obligation and order. Their heritage included an important question: how to make a peasant free avoiding bloodshed. In the occidentalists' thought masses were used as a tool in the process of individuation, understood as breaking the traditional, collective and, at the same time, patriarchal social model. Herzen's theory of 'Russian socialism' was an answer to the question posed by decembrism. The theory included the most clandestine dreams of the Russian intelligentsia: the desire to be free, the wish to regain roots and to find justification for undertaking the mission 'to save' Europe. Slavophiles created a utopia to prove that it was possible to combine freedom with the mentality of the Russian peasant. Besides, the thinkers portrayed the masses as a storehouse for Christian virtues and used it as a tool to negatively define the West. In the second half of the 19th century the intelligentsia differentiated. The most powerful utopia about the Russian peasant was created by Fyodor Dostoevsky. The writer-prophet portrayed the peasants as the opposite to the revolutionary intelligentsia. He did not notice, however, that they both were two sides of the same coin - a force forwarded against the stratum of nobility as the land owners and cultivators of culture. Moreover, they were characterized by the same features: hatred of European culture, inability to create real welfare, justice conceived as the collective sharing of goods, and lack of responsibility. The revolutions of 1905 and 1917 were the end of the intelligentsia which reflected the 'split' in its own Russian culture. In an effort to absorb both its own and foreign cultural elements it existed on the border of two systems and did not belong to neither of them.
EN
The story of the exiles of the Zhukovsky family is presented in the paper. Analyses were based on interviews with Dagmara, the daughter, two documentaries: On memory paths and Crust of Bread, and a manuscript written on the basis of Danuta and Bogusław recollections by Dagmara. Hypotheses of the paper were the following: a story of a family is the history of a nation. There is a parallel between historical events and an individual’s fate. The ancestors, need to tell one’s story and the descendants’ need to hear it are reciprocal ones and can be interpreted as a cultural mechanism of incorporation new texts into a culture memory. On an individual level it gives rise to the feeling of dignity and power. Marianne Hirsch’s theory of post‑memory and Yury Lotman’s concept of ‘remembering – forgetting’ mechanism were utilized to present and interpret memories of Boguslav and Danuta Zhukovsky and their descendant – Dagmara. The reasons for reaching into the past and coming back to Syberia were also analysed.
Slavia Orientalis
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2005
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vol. 54
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issue 1
7-21
EN
Decabrism as a new social-political movement emerged among Russian aristocracy at the beginning of the 19th century. This first generation of Russian intelligentsia was under the influence of western liberal ideas. They made an effort to transform Russian political system according to those ideas. The split between the enlightened layer of the gentry and the tsar occurred as inevitable result and, at the same time, the insurrection of 12th December 1825 provided evidence that western ideas had been assimilated. The phenomenon of decabrism can be investigated in two aspects: its relation to the villeins and to the authority. Convinced of dignity, decabrists recognised the autocratic system as the main factor hampering the progress understood as liberty and respect for a human. They represented person-centred type, as opposed to the system-centred one. One of characteristics in the portrait of intelligentsia is their ambivalence: compassion for the villeins and reluctance, which is vivid in political thought of the next generation of enlightened Russians. Decabrists defined themselves by ethical categories first, then by political ones. Regarding themselves debtors of the lower layers, decabrists felt moral obligation to repay the debt: they inculcated this idea into next generations of Russian intelligentsia. In the mind of the intelligentsia there coexist the strong desire to make the villeins free and push the country towards progress, mediating function between lower layers and the authority, radicalism of attitudes, and a sense of mission. The very movement of decabrism, the insurrection and its repercussions caused significant changes in the field of culture. The existing culture, based on traditional values, was radically questioned.
PL
Celem artykułu jest podjęcie rozważań na temat wpływu wartości politycznych na procesy modernizacyjne, dokonujące się w Polsce i w Rosji. Autorki przyjmują, że system wartości wywiera istotny i często decydujący wpływ na proces przeobrażeń systemowych, jednocześnie wskazują na określone zmiany dokonujące się w obrębie systemów wartości Rosjan i Polaków w trakcie demokratycznej tranzycji.
EN
The article deals with the problem of political values and their role in the process of modernization. The authors stress the fact that values have a great impact on the current process of political and economic modernization both in Russia and in Poland and explore the changes in the system of values of the citizens.
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