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EN
The principal aim of this paper is to critically examine evolution of the Ugandan political regime during the Yoweri Museveni rule and the very nature and socio-political consequences of the vast, inclusive patronage network existence. This paper is based primarily on field research conducted in Uganda in June and July 2014. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part briefly presents evolution of the Ugandan political regime. In the second part the very issue of the nature of the political patronage in Uganda was raised. The last section concludes.
PL
The Republic of South Africa has been recently recognized as the world’s “most unequal state in terms of wealth and income distribution”. The Gini coefficient for wealth distribution in South Africa stands at 0.96%, which perfectly reflects the total coefficient of wealth distribution across the globe. The purpose of the article is to answer the question of how inequalities inherited from the apartheid period were even further aggravated after 1994.
EN
Abrupt social protests in South Africa, which erupted after the decision to jail the former president, Jacob Zuma, have stirred discussions on the ongoing state crisis and corruption of South African political elites. Meanwhile, these problems have deeper roots. The article argues that one of the main reasons of social unrest is a failure of a democratic state in enhancing social and economic opportunities of black South Africans and addressing the resultant increasing income and wealth inequalities. The article examines the context of the state’s erosion after it was monopolized by the African National Congress (ANC). Our arguments include the model of neopatrimonial state, related to the legacy of political transformation, but also to the departure of the ANC elites from its revolutionary ideals in favour of party loyalty. Another issue discussed in the article is a phenomenon called ‘state capture’.
PL
Gwałtowne protesty społeczne w RPA, jakie wybuchły po decyzji o uwięzieniu byłego prezydenta Jacoba Zumy wywołały liczne dyskusje na temat kryzysu państwa i korupcji południowoafrykańskich elit politycznych. Tymczasem zjawiska te mają swoje głębsze przyczyny. Za jedną z głównych należy uznać porażkę projektu wyrównywania szans społecznych czarnoskórych mieszkańców przez państwo po upadku apartheidu oraz wynikające z tego narastające nierówności dochodowe i majątkowe. Artykuł ten analizuje uwarunkowania „psucia” państwa przez Afrykański Kongres Narodowy (ANC). Na tę problematykę składa się model państwa neopatrymonialnego, wzmacnianego dziedzictwem transformacji ustrojowej, oraz odejście ANC od rewolucyjnych ideałów na rzecz lojalności partyjnej. Omówione zostało także zjawisko state capture, które polega na specyficznym postrzeganiu państwa jako zasobu, a jego dochodów jako rent, co tworzy grunt pod systemową kradzież i korupcję.
EN
Kenneth Waltz is one of the most important thinkers in the field of international relations, and his structural theory of international politics is a focal point of an intense debate on the nature of interstate relations. Nevertheless, Waltz theory rises a lot of concern and is a source of controversy. In our paper, we focus on few crucial issues, namely the role of the theory and the distinctiveness of international politics, the nature of international system and international anarchy, its influence on the behavior of states, and the problem of change in international system. Taking a closer look at these concepts, we try to critically examine the possible shortcomings of Waltzian theory. However, the goal of the paper is not to reject the theory itself, rather to evaluate the controversies behind it.
EN
The article’s primary aim is to present relations between Tanzanian government and foreign corporations active in extractive industries. The main theoretical framework used during the research process was constituted by the core assumptions of critical international political economy (CIPE). According to the CIPE, the political and economic spheres are mutually constructive, and Tanzania occupies peripheral position in international division of labour and multinational corporations do desire to bring any changes to this very situation. The article starts with brief presentation of Tanzania’s potential in terms of the natural gas production and subsequently the core elements of Tanzanian political regime which influence the relations between the government and multinational corporations were presented. Then, the core factors that shape the negation processes and negotiation positions of both sides were listed.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zarysu relacji pomiędzy rządem Tanzanii a działającymi tam korporacjami wydobywczymi, w szczególności w sektorze gazu naturalnego. Ramy teoretyczne artykułu osadzone są w krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej i sprowadzają się do współkonstrukcji uwarunkowań gospodarczych i politycznych w procesach negocjacyjnych, przy jednoczesnej akceptacji tezy, iż Tanzania jest obszarem peryferyjnym w międzynarodowym podziale pracy, a koncerny wydobywcze nie mają na celu zmiany jej pozycji. Po zaprezentowaniu charakterystyki tanzańskich złóż gazu omówione zostały wybrane elementy tanzańskiego reżimu politycznego, które zdaniem autorów mają kluczowe znaczenie dla zrozumienia wagi górnictwa gazowego dla administracji prezydenta Magufuliego. Następnie omówione zostały czynniki warunkujące procesy negocjacyjne pomiędzy rządem tanzańskim a koncernami wydobywczymi.
EN
This article examines the transformation of political discourse on women’s rights and women-oriented NGOs in Tanzania, focusing on successive state administrations within the same political party, led by John Pombe Magufuli and Jakaya Kikwete. The analysis unfolds through three key phases: first, characterizing the habitus of Tanzanian women’s NGOs; second, examining the evolving narratives in government-NGO relations; and third, briefly exploring the political discourse during the Kikwete and Magufuli presidencies. The research methodology is based on extensive desk research and two field studies conducted in Tanzania. Rather than adhering to a preconceived theory, our research approach is guided by theorems and selected frameworks. Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, particularly ‘habitus’ and the ‘exchangeability of different forms of capital,’ underpin our argument and interpretation of the data. The study shows that while elements of anti-feminism are evident in Magufuli’s political discourse, accusations of promoting toxic masculinity are mainly unfounded. At the same time, it argues that the critique of women’s empowerment and women-focused NGOs can be attributed to Magufuli’s unique mode of accumulating political and economic capital, leading to heightened distrust in the relationship between these NGOs and the Tanzanian government.
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