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1

System polityczny Socjalistycznej Republiki Wietnamu

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2009

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issue XII

40-58

EN

The article describes peculiarities of the political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, a country which has been undergoing modernization, but certainly not as fast as the other spheres of social-economic life. Many of the shortcomings of the system were evoked and their elimination is postulated. The need for building a civil society: a broader participation of the Vietnamese in social, economic and political life, the necessity of a greater role played by private sector and its engagement in the financing of higher education and professional practice, as well as a further liberalization of commerce is called upon in the strategy. The Communist Party of Vietnam still plays a dominant role in the political system, and the elections to the National Assembly prove that there is no will of renouncing this model. Nevertheless, there were some attempts of change in this field. The party personnel has been rejuvenated. The new secretary general Nong Duc Manh started liberalizing the political system with great caution. The fact that he was reelected as secretary general at the 10th Congress, proves that the process of reforming the country is irreversible. On the other hand, we have to remember that this process is very unstable, shaky and characterized by a lack of consequence.

2

Indochiny – trudna integracja

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2006

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issue IX

190-206

EN

This article sets out to present the evolution of integration ideas and the status of Indochina states’ integration at the turn of 20th century. Since the end of the 19th century the observed attempts of Indochina region’s integration can be considered unsuccessful. They have been naturally based on the geographic proximity of the Peninsula’s states. Initially, the idea was to create a federation, imposed by the colonial power – France. Another initiative, forced by political situation, was to unite the national liberation movements with communist Vietnam as a leader. Successive regional economic initiatives stimulated by the United Nations also turned out to be failures because they were selectively directed towards some states and didn’t contribute to creating a regional consciousness. It was as late as in 1990’s that the region’s integration process was initiated thanks to the solution of some problems and disputes in mutual relations, and an objective tendency to strengthen the regional ties. The creation of Indochina states’ regional subsystem proceeds in the framework of the Southeast Asia region with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as its organizational structure. The process of Indochina’s integration takes the most comprehensive form, consisting in an economic integration, designed to support trade liberalization and a stable socio-economic growth. Nevertheless, some activities have an uncoordinated nature. The Indochina states don’t aspire to create a uniform political or military structure. They cooperate in this field through the ASEAN initiatives. The activity of the former French Indochina’s leader, Vietnam, is also developing in this direction. Therefore, the main objective of the Mekong subregion is such an economic growth, that it could enter ASEAN free trade zone as planned, in 2008, and reinforce the regional structures under the circumstances of the globalization of contemporary international relations.

3

Problem autonomii regionów Rosji w sferze aktywności międzynarodowej na przykładzie rosyjskiego Dalekiego Wschodu

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

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2017

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vol. 1(12)

92-108

EN

Modern states use any means necessary that are provided by foreign policy. At this point, states more often use new means to implement foreign policy – there are, in a broad sense, soft power policies – public diplomacy and promotion of state’s international interests. While tasks of traditional diplomacy that are connected with state’s political security and military security have to be implemented by state’s central organs, however, all the rest can be and are implemented by decentralized self-government authorities. These new forms of diplomatic activity developed, especially, after the Cold War ended and can be classified as paradiplomacy i.e. the involvement of sub-national actors (regions) of the national states in international relations. Russian regions, including the Russian Far East, establish these forms of activity. However, legal conditions are quite alike, the practice between regions differs from each other. The general conclusion, which emerges from the analysis, points to the fact that many decisions concerning paradiplomacy are made by federal authorities and the level of regional authorities’ activity in new millennium has decreased comparing to the 1990s. This conclusion also concerns the Russian Far East. The external surroundings of the Russian Far East – Asia-Pacific region is extremely active international actor. Russia looks with more concerns on the region and sees itself a strategic approach for further international activities. This approach is also important due to the Russian Far East international activity, however, any attempt at adding this region to East Asia integration concepts is inefficient. Problem is noted and the goal of Ministry of Foreign Policy of Russian Federation is to incorporate regional diplomacy to traditional diplomacy. In activity of regions is still ample potential, which is clearly noticeable. In 2013, the 5th program – The Far East and Trans-Baikal Socio-Economic Development Strategy to 2025 was adopted. However, there is a concern that this program may suffer the same fate as other unrealized programs to exploit potential and development of this region, if a few requirements, which are listed in paradiplomacy theoretical models, are not accomplished e.g. the strengthen of regional authorities. They are better in defining its needs and opportunities but they should efficiently cooperate with inhabitants living in these regions. However, the requirements are greater influence on their choice, greater trust and identifying with activities of authority.

4

Reformy oświatowe w Wietnamie. Zarys uwarunkowań

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2005

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issue VIII

52-63

EN

Right in October 1945, The Vietnamese Government established the Council of Educational Advisors which was given the task of preparing for educational reform. In July 1950 the project on educational reform was adopted. The educational system served the resistant war. The second educational reform was drawn up in 1979, after the national reunification, and launched in 1981. In the early 1980s, the education sector was bogged down in the aftermath of the post-war economic recession and ideological mistakes. Vietnam’s education sector needed to step up its renovation just as the national economy. In 1986 the process of doi moi (renovation) started. Nowadays the structure of the national education system is characterized by diversity. Vietnam’s Educational Law was officially passed in December 1998 and came into force in August 1999. It has 9 chapters with 110 articles. The Education Law stipulates the education system, its goals, curricula and teaching methods, investments in education and education management. The quality of education has been remarkably improved. However, the appropriate model of education has not been achieved still, professional qualifications of teachers must be improved and high level of technical training is only declared.

5

Modernizacja systemu społeczno-ekonomicznego Wietnamu

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2004

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issue VII

179-197

EN

In 1986, during the 6th congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, the Party`s new secretary general Nguyen Van Lieu, announced the introduction of economic reforms program known as "doi moi". The Vietnamese reforms resembled the Chinese transformation. The rules were simple - agricultural farms were to attain a higher level of independence, the land was to remain state property but was to be the subject of hereditary laws, and the tenancy agreements were to be signed for a period of 50 years. Vietnamese towns and cities were provided with foreign investments. Rejection of a closed and autarchic economy, introduction of market economy and joining the world financial system were to be the basic methods of economic development. The VCP remained in the key position. The 1992 constitution ensured the market economy, but also included Party`s leadership principle. The implementation and realization of the "doi moi" program has a positive influence on Vietnam`s social and economic development, especially those of its features like the support for multi sectoral economy and diversification of property forms, a bigger openness of the economy and its inclusion in the economic integration processes, diversification of economic partners and improvement of public services` quality. The change of secretary general of the ruling Communist Party of Vietnam which took place after the Party congress in March 2001 (former secretary Le Kha Phieu was replaced by Nong Duc Manh, advocate of the economic reforms` acceleration) indicates that the reforming process is irreversible. Nevertheless one must remember, that this process is a subject to various whirls and is characterized by lack of consistency. The problems which were defined at the beginning of the transformation remain unresolved. Political changes are still far behind the economic ones, unprofitable state-owned enterprises remain under state protection for fear of unemployment, the growth of disproportion between regions and social groups (especially between urban and rural populations), the high poverty ratio, the implementation of complicated tariffs, high export duties, licences and quantitative limitations without transparent rules. Vietnam became a member of South East Asia`s most important organizations: ASEAN, APEC, ASEM and normalized relations with its neighbours. At present joining the WTO has the highest priority in Vietnamese foreign policy, with the end of 2005 the most probable tim.

6

Wietnamska droga do niepodległości: sytuacja polityczna w Wietnamie w latach 1945–1946

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2002

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issue V

63-79

XX

The World War II and the new political situation at its end offered to Vietnam real chances for independence. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and some of his advisers, supported Vietnamese aspirations, being deeply convinced that Indochina should no longer belong to France. Although these ideas were never included into the official documents, and his successor, president Harry Truman, did not promote them, they undoubtedly facilitated negotiations between France and Viet Minh leaded by Ho Chi Minh, and changed entire French policy towards Indochina. Such American statements strengthened Ho Chi Minh's position in his struggle for independence. The Vietnamese leaders adopted a strategy of fait accompli: they initiated to build an independent state. On September 2nd, 1945 the Proclamation of the Independence was announced. It was followed by the decree on the parliamentary elections (September 8th, 1945), the elections themselves (January 6th, 1946), the establishment of the government (March 2nd, 1946), and the adoption of the Constitution (November 8th, 1946). They served as the proofs of the strength and stability of the new authorities. Under such conditions they initiated a diplomatic struggle for an international recognition, first of all by France. Ho Chi Minh himself sent numerous notes and letters to the governments of the USA, the USSR and Great Britain with requests for their support. However, immediately after the war the great powers, for various reasons, did not intend to initiate confrontation with France nor promote the anticolonial movements. The USSR and the USA adopted a policy of "neutrality" in this respect. Even China was interested first of all in strengthening of her own international position and in gaining some economic privileges from France. When the Guomindang forces (under General Lu Han) occupied Vietnam (in 1945-1946) they were perceived by the Vietnamese leaders rather as a threat to independence than an ally. On February 28th, 1946, an agreement was signed by two sides: France and Ho Chi Minh. It faced, however, highly critical reactions on the Vietnamese side, since it opened to France the way of return to Indochina. Ho Chi Minh himself also signed the agreement, and on this basis the French forces entered Haiphong on the March 6th, 1946, and Hanoi on March 9th. Further talks between Ho Chi Minh and the French authorities failed to produce a political agreement. Eventually on March 10th, 1946, the occupation of Indochina by all allied forces (introduced there to disarm the Japanese troops) ended, and the French army started to control all the major cities. Since this period Ho Chi Minh became the symbol of freedom and independence of Vietnam.

7

Wietnam – ewolucja sytuacji regionalnej i stosunki z mocarstwami. W cieniu sporu na Morzu Południowochińskim

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2017

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issue XX

162-175

EN

Introduction of Doi Moi economic reforms at the 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam was successful owing to the changes in the field of the foreign policy. The main rationale in this policy was multilateralization and improvement and intensification of the economic cooperation and political ties with the great powers. The political attention has continued to be focused on the East Asia region, primarily on the ASEAN. In this scheme Vietnam plays proactive role. Countries from the region remain the biggest source of investments, being directly interested in maintaining regional stability and multilayered cooperation. Regardless of the ability to accomplish political goals, Vietnam seeks to enhance its position through the cooperation with the major regional economies. However, the policy of being a friend of all countries has its limitations. The most pertaining among them is the South China Sea dispute which induces Vietnam’s greatest diplomatic effort vis-a-vis China. However, in the practical terms, even the verdict of the Hague Tribunal stating that China cannot claim the disputed islands on the basis of the historical arguments did not contribute to any important change in the matter. Although the verdict meets the Vietnamese expectations, yet it did not spark enthusiasm within all of the Vietnam’s allies, including Russia and Australia. For all these states and Vietnam itself, China is an important political and economic partner. To sharpen relations with China would not be a desired solution for any of these states. Thus, one may consider the South China Sea as a problem to be solved between the United States and China, around which more or less voiced sympathies of the regional players are being focused. In its endeavour Vietnam is backed by the United States, although the American and Vietnamese interests are not always confluent. Growth of pro-American sympathies is evident in the social surveys. However, Vietnam’s other regional partners and experts in regional security are rather reserved as to the political intentions of the United States. Notwithstanding those determinants and complex network of relationships, the dispute constitutes a great threat to the regional security.

8

Prezydent w systemie politycznym Wietnamu. Analiza porównawcza założeń ustrojowych wietnamskich konstytucji

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 4(171)

101–124

EN

The analysis undertaken in the article concerns the position of the president in the political system of Vietnam. The analysis begins with the period of formation of Vietnamese statehood after colonial era. In 1946, Vietnam’s first constitution was adopted. Following the abdication of Emperor Bao Dai, the first president acting under it was Ho Chi Minh. The constitution gave the president considerable powers which were amended in subsequent constitutions. Vietnam’s political system was strongly influenced by the international situation at each stage ending with adoption of a new constitution. Beginning with the second constitution, in 1959, the Communist Party of Vietnam remained the leading force in the state. The victory with the United States of America sealed this state of affairs. A feature of the entrenched party system in Vietnam was that the ruling party based on collegial leadership. This collegial leadership also applied to the president’s position in the political system. It was no longer the president himself, but the collegiate bodies that indicated the directions of development of the socio-economic system. The glue remained the Communist Party of Vietnam, which controlled, supervised and fed these collegiate bodies. Changes came after the doi moi reforms, when it was decided to liberalise the economy, but with limited changes to the political system. The entire current ruling elite of the country comes from the CPV. The last constitution was adopted in 2013, while personnel decisions were made at the 13th Congress of the CPV – a return to a power-sharing structure based on the “four pillars”: the secretary general of the party, the president, the prime minister and the speaker of the National Assembly.

9

Nowe spojrzenie na Wietnam

75%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

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2018

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issue XXI

256-263

10

(recenzje) Formowanie Chin jako odpowiedzialnego mocarstwa globalnego

75%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2016

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issue XIX

213-217

EN

(reviews) The development of China as the responsible global power

11

(recenzje) Kambodża: od wspaniałej przeszłości do bolesnej współczesności

75%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2008

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issue XI

265-269

12

(recenzje) Współczesny Wietnam

38%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2009

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issue XII

248-254

13

(recenzje) Rosja wobec Azji

32%

Pietrasiak M.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2016

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issue XIX

224-226

EN

(reviews) Russia towards Asia

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System polityczny Socjalistycznej Republiki Wietnamu

Indochiny – trudna integracja

Problem autonomii regionów Rosji w sferze aktywności międzynarodowej na przykładzie rosyjskiego Dalekiego Wschodu

Reformy oświatowe w Wietnamie. Zarys uwarunkowań

Modernizacja systemu społeczno-ekonomicznego Wietnamu

Wietnamska droga do niepodległości: sytuacja polityczna w Wietnamie w latach 1945–1946

Wietnam – ewolucja sytuacji regionalnej i stosunki z mocarstwami. W cieniu sporu na Morzu Południowochińskim

Prezydent w systemie politycznym Wietnamu. Analiza porównawcza założeń ustrojowych wietnamskich konstytucji

Nowe spojrzenie na Wietnam

(recenzje) Formowanie Chin jako odpowiedzialnego mocarstwa globalnego

(recenzje) Kambodża: od wspaniałej przeszłości do bolesnej współczesności

(recenzje) Współczesny Wietnam

(recenzje) Rosja wobec Azji