The article presents the cordial relations between Maria Cristina de Borbón–Dos Sicilias and her grandson, since 1874 King of Spain, Alfonso XII. It focuses on the truth, forgotten by historians, about a human side of Reina Abuela. The main attention is centered on a specific game played by Maria Cristina with her grandson and members of his family, in which both an intention for the Bourbon restoration in the person of Alfonso XII and a consolidation of his rule played a special role. The authors also mention two visits to her grandson in Spain, especially we are interested in Maria Cristina’s arrival in Madrid in 1878, on the occasion of the wedding of Alfonso XII with his cousin Maria de las Mercedes, and the attitude of the former queen and regent to this controversial relationship.
Tematyka niniejszego tekstu stanowi kontynuację wcześniejszego, który ukazał się na łamach „Roczników Humanistycznych” i dotyczy Witolda Adama Czartoryskiego (1822-1865) jako żołnierza w wojsku hiszpańskim. Celem artykułu jest zapoznanie czytelników z genezą i przebiegiem kolejnej służby wojskowej księcia, tym razem w Królestwie Piemontu i Sardynii, której szczegóły są nieznane historiografii. Dlaczego Witold zdecydował się na wstąpienie w szeregi wojska piemonckiego? Czy wierzył w powodzenie podejmowanych działań i w strategię Hotelu Lambert? Jakie czynniki ułatwiały, a jakie utrudniały realizację jego misji? Na te i inne pytania postaramy się odpowiedzieć w prezentowanej pracy. Nie zabraknie w niej opisów ciekawych sytuacji i przygód, które przydarzyły się księciu. Spróbujemy także nakreślić jego osobowość, tęsknotę za domem, posłuszeństwo wobec rodziców, patriotyzm. Podstawową bazę informacji stanowią materiały archiwalne z Biblioteki Książąt Czartoryskich w Krakowie, przede wszystkim listy Witolda do członków jego najbliższej rodziny i współpracowników.
EN
The subject of this article is a continuation of the earlier paper that appeared in the “Annals of Arts” and presents Witold Adam Czartoryski (1822-1865) as a soldier in the Spanish army. The aim of this article is to familiarise readers with the genesis and course of prince’s another military service, this time in the Kingdom of Sardinia and Piedmont, the details of which are unknown to historiography. Why did Witold decide to join the ranks of the Piedmont army? Did he believe in the success of the actions and the strategy adopted by Hotel Lambert? What factors facilitated and which hindered the implementation of his mission? This paper tries to answer these and other questions. It also includes descriptions of interesting situations and adventures that happened to the prince. The paper also attempts at presenting the prince’s personality, his longing for home, obedience to parents and patriotism. The basic source information was obtained from archives of the Princes Czartoryski Library in Kraków, mainly based on Witold’s letters to the members of his immediate family and collaborators.
El interés de los Czartoryski por España y sus habitantes se remonta a la década de 1830, cuando el príncipe Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, por su participación en el levantamiento anti-ruso (1830-1831), fue condenado a muerte por el zar, escapando entonces con su esposa e hijos al oeste de Europa. En París continuó su animada actividad independentista. Dirigiendo el partido monárquico conservador-liberal del Hôtel Lambert, apoyó la política anti-rusa de los estados europeos, así como los movimientos revolucionarios y nacionales, y vio en ellos la posibilidad de reconstruir Polonia. Permanecer en la cercanía del “país detrás de los Pirineos” suscitaba curiosidad. La autora presenta los intentos fallidos de los representantes de Hôtel Lambert para hacer de España un aliado no declarado en la lucha de los polacos por la independencia. También hace referencia a los comentarios de los Czartoryski con respecto a su estancia en España que tratan tanto de la situación política y moral como de la vida cotidiana. Asimismo dedica un espacio aparte a presentar la opinión de la familia Czartoryski sobre las mujeres españolas. El análisis detallado del tema, elaborado principalmente con base en fuentes inéditas y manuscritos encontrados en archivos polacos y españoles, llevó a varias conclusiones importantes. En particular, la España vista por dos generaciones de esta ilustre familia solo en parte correspondía a la imagen transmitida por los viajeros y la literatura de viajes. Su conocimiento era más minucioso, menos idealizado, es decir, más verídico. Estaban, además, mejor enterados de la situación interna del país que los propios habitantes de la península ibérica, por eso criticaban, no sin razón, su gobierno, la corte y la política. Supieron apreciar, sin embargo, lo que era y sigue siendo la verdadera riqueza de España, es decir su patrimonio cultural y artístico. Recordaban también que en 1797 España, igual que antes lo había hecho Turquía, no aceptó el tercer reparto de Polonia.
August Czartoryski (1858-1893) pochodził z jednego z najznakomitszych rodów arystokratycznych skoligaconych z wieloma dworami europejskimi. Przyszedł na świat w Paryżu ze związku Władysława Czartoryskiego i Marii Amparo Muñoz y de Borbón, córki królowej Hiszpanii Marii Krystyny de Borbón i jej morganatycznego małżonka Agustína Fernanda Muñoz, księcia de Riánsares. W skład jego hiszpańskiej rodziny wchodziło także liczne potomstwo państwa Muñoz oraz Izabela II i jej syn Alfons XII. August doczekał się kilku monografii i drobniejszych publikacji. Jednak w żadnej z nich nie pogłębiono wątku jego relacji z rodziną od strony matki. Niniejszy artykuł wypełnia tę lukę. Autorka odkrywa przed czytelnikami kontakty Augusta z poszczególnymi członkami jego hiszpańskiej rodziny, dokonuje ich oceny, zastanawia się, czy posiadanie hiszpańskich korzeni i spokrewnienie z hiszpańską rodziną królewską miało znaczenie dla kształtowania się jego osobowości i poczucia tożsamości narodowej. Wobec szczupłości opracowań dotyczących realizowanego tematu artykuł, został oparty głównie na materiałach rękopiśmiennych z archiwów polskich i hiszpańskich.
EN
August Czartoryski (1858-1893) came from one of the most outstanding aristocratic families related to many European courts. He was born in Paris, his father being Władysław Czartoryski and his mother – Maria Amparo Muñoz de Borbón, the daughter of Maria Christina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, Queen of Spain, and her secret husband Agustín Fernando Muñoz, Duke of Riánsares. His Spanish family also included the Muñozes’ numerous children, Isabella II of Spain and her son Alfonso XII. A few monographs and other small publications on August have been published. However, in none of them the motif of his relations with his maternal family are studied in detail. The present article fills the gap. The author shows August’s contacts with particular members of his Spanish family, assesses them, and considers the question if having Spanish roots and being related to the Spanish royal family was significant for the formation of his personality and the sense of his national identity. Because of the scantiness of works concerning the subject the article is mainly based on manuscripts from Polish and Spanish archives.
The article treats about the Czartoryski family, one of the most prominent families in Poland, which belonged to the circle of the enlightened in the 18th century. In the 19th century, in turn, after Poland had disappeared from the map of Europe as a result of partitions, they undertook various actions aimed at regaining the country’s independence. With a view to starting a museum, Adam Jerzy Czartoryski bought in Italy a magnificent work of art by Leonardo da Vinci, The Lady with an Ermine, which visited Madrid in 2012. In the course of the article, we follow the ups and downs of the painting, as well as the efforts of a few generations of Poles to preserve it till this day. In the second part of the article, we concentrate on the ties of the Czartoryski to Spain, and, above all, on their connections with the Spanish royal family. It is in this context that we talk about, among others, the daughter of queen María Cristina of Spain and her second husband Fernando Muñoz. The daughter in question was María Amparo who married Władysław Czartoryski. We also mention their son, August Czartoryski, who is the only beatified half Pole half Spaniard so far.
The present study focuses on two important achievements of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Luis José Sartorius, count de San Luis (1847–1851), in the cultural field, i.e. elaborating and introducing a reform of Spanish theaters, and completing the construction of Teatro Real. Owing to the former act, there was an improvement in the functioning of theaters and the work conditions and salaries of artists, composers, and playwrights. Their fate and work conditions ceased to depend on egoistic and arbitrary goals of the concessionaires. Moreover,the first Spanish drama theater was created, sponsored and owned by the government. The theater was named Teatro Español; count de San Luis is considered to have been its creator. Additionally, giving to the public the only Italian opera theater in Madrid, which brought to the Spanish court and the citizens of the capital the Italian operatic music and the sophisy ticated music of the world, was to result in the future increase in the popularity of this music genre among the inhabitants of Madrid, and in the flourishing of the social and political life.Both these achievements resulted from the authentic theatrical passion of the Minister and other members of the Cabinet, e.g. general Ramón Narváez, the duke of Valencia, as wellas from the mutual permeation of culture and politics. In the 19th century theater, as never before, was strongly connected with the world of politics and was a tool in the hands of politicians. Theater witnessed interpersonal struggles between followers of different political options and could become a means of winning or losing the electorate. The level of cultural development of a country shaped its external image. In the discussed period, Spain was one of the countries of secondary importance, and struggled with serious internal problems, which lowered its chances of regaining its place among the leading European countries. Sartorius believed that regaining its political position by Spain was not possible without the renaissance of its own culture. He claimed that in the process of retrievingthe marks of Spanish national identity, culture and politics should support each other.As a Minister of Internal Affairs, he understood that through taking governmental control over public theaters, especially over the choice of repertoire, one could realize far-reaching cultural and political goalsIt must be remembered, however, that the policy of wide-reaching internal reforms,realized by the governments of moderados (moderate liberals) in the period of the so-called decada moderada (1844–1854) was to a great extent motivated by the intention to divertpublic attention from fierce political fight between the factions of this option. Therefore, beside the government’s care to provide the inhabitants of Madrid with cultural entertainment, we must also notice the struggle to create an illusion that „everything is in order and all will be fine”. The fact that both Teatro Español and Teatro Real slipped out of control of the next moderados Cabinets only confirmed the weakness of this party.
The article aims at establishing how travellers perceived, depicted and evaluated Spanish women in the context of their rich travelling experience. What were the aspects those travellers focused on, did their reports reflect reality or did they create a stereotype? The analysis used the corpus data collected from the reports by foreign visitors to the Iberian Peninsula such as diaries, notes, and letters sińce the eighties of the 18th century until mid-19th century. They also include novels written on the basis of travelling experience. The conducted research shows that the portrait of the Spanish woman in travellers’ reports is incomplete and rather superficial. Foreigners saw Spain while passing through it, which allowed only an uncritical view of some phenomena without their deeper understanding. It was also due to the fact that travellers would arrive with ready assumptions about what they could see and subconsciously directed their attention to what they had expected and not what was real. Thus they confirmed established images of the female inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula. A chain reaction resulted: travellers prepared for the joumey from biased guide books, and in conseąuence what they were looking for in Spain was in agreement with their reading. Then reports were madę, which were eąually biased, and the persons reading them adopted a stereotypical image of Spain in generał and of a Spanish woman in particular. De facto, the image of Spain at the end of the Enlightenment and in the Romanticism was a derivative of a simplified image of the country as a fantastic and exotic land of long transformation history that was conducted slowly and was devoid of peculiar features. In other words, the country appeared not worth studying diligently, just interesting enough to look at and contemplate. It had further conseąuence, namely the descriptions of travels in Spain, thanks to a wide readership formed the generał social opinion. Moreover, such descriptions constituted a fertile ground for the dispute about women that was conducted in Europę at that time. EIowever, one cannot agree with the statement that all foreigners perceived Spain through Cervantes’s novel Don Quixote as if the time had stopped and King Phillip II still ruled. Some travellers noticed a few symptoms of transformation considering that in its narrow scope it encompassed women as well and it brought about changes in the generał understanding of at least some of the problems related to women. The view that foreign visitors presented Spanish women merely as seducers who killed their lovers out of affection or as dancers singing and entertaining with the guitar cannot be accepted. The conclusion to be drawn from the article is that although important issues such as economic activity, charitable deeds and social actions of women were omitted and little attention was given to everyday chores, yet their presence was observed in various contexts. The most commonly discussed topie was beauty, naturę, dress and love for luxury. Such passages are most stereotypical. Other topics, for example related to social, cultural life, education, religious activities, and free choice of marital status were treated realistically but most superficially to give the fuli picture of reality. In some issues (beauty, conduct, dress, and freedom in patemal society) controversial opinions appear. Particular matters were discussed with reference to upper class women but not only. Credibility of the reports varies depending on the author and problem. Most critical reports come from Botkin and French female travellers. It is conspicuous that it was the French women who first noticed that the Spanish women differ from description and in their reports they madę an attempt to portray the country and its inhabitants in a realistic way.
The article aimed at presenting Manuel Godoy, whose image was outlined in the Polish press during the period 1792-1808. Reports from Spain included in the Polish press focused on the political situation in the country and in that perspective the Spanish Prime Minister was described as a statesman, political figurę and a diplomat. Godoy’s efforts in intemal politics and culture, science, art, education and economy were extensively commented upon. Much has been written about his achievements in the military and defence systems of the country. The Polish press revealed the intimate aspects of his private life, his relationships with the Royal couple, that is Charles IV and Mary Louis, and also alleged reasons for his removal from the highest office in the country. Moreover, grounds for a generał antipathy, or even hatred of the Spaniards towards the Royal couple’s favourite were considered, and his tragic fate after the Aranjuez revolution in 1808 was analysed.
The article is a comparative study of Lysistrata (411 B.C.) and Women in Parliament (391 B.C.) - comedies by Aristophanes, Feminie Parliament (ca. 1569) - work by Marcin Bielski, and Gobierno Reprezentativo y Constitucional del Bello Sexo Espanol - a liberal Spanish periodical from 1841. Those works present a literary vision of the participation of women in public life, as well as the femine desire to size power over men. The hidden main idea is criticism of the goverment exercised by men, and search for ways to improve it. The idea of admintting women to politics is not be understood as a proposal to be realized in practice, but as a humoristic warning. If men do not unite to save the state, women will start to tule them, and having a meange knowledge of politicsand diplomacy, they will bring tho state to a downfull. Everything will stand upside down then: women will take ove rmen's jobs, and men-women's. This, the studied texts have two complementary implied meanings: literal and figurative. The first one reflects an irony, and the second one a caution. Women wanted the rule through the parliament elected among them. It is worth noting that the aspiration of woman to take over the helm did not follow from their egoistic ambitions, but it was provoked by men's incompetence in the face of the really catastrophic situation of the state. The ladies become indignant with that fact, and it awakened their patriotism and feeling of responsibility for the fate of the state. as the same time , they wanted to prove that they had their own efficient ways of rulling both the state and men.
The aim of the presented study is establishing how much of events in the Middle East in 1831-1841 was known to, and how it was unredstood by the Spanish diplomacy, as well whether the authorities in Madrid were able to adapt their policy accordingly. What is of the most interest is how the Spanish diplomats perceived Turkey, how they evaluated and interpreted the polices of the powers competing in the region. In this context, we investigate the Spanish point of view on the question of the East, and the exant to which the Spanish diplomacy perceived a connection between the question of the East and the question of Poland. The basic source for the study are the tekegrams sent by the Spanish diplomatic residentatives in Constantinople in 1831-1841. The supplementary material includes the return mail, limited to brief and laconic notes, written on the telegrams reaching Madrid from Constantinople, and to some extent, the political and economic disputes and the press. In Spanish foreign affairs of the first half of the 19th century the problem of the East was a crucial issue. The Madrid authorities wanted to know about the activies of the European powers in that region, in order to probe and decide with country to engage into closer relations. Spain did not expect any profits in the area (except the trade), neither was it directly interested in the conflicts. Neverthless, Spain's close relations with the countries whose opinionswere impoortant in the discussion of the future of the Ottoman empire, did not allow the Spanish diplomacy to remain indifferent to the unstable situation in that part of the world. Under such circumstances, the neutral attitude adopted by Spain seemed to be a good solution. The attention of the Spanish diplomacy was concentrated on the Turkish-Egyptian conflicts (the first in 1831-1833, and the second in 1838-1841). The analysed materials revel that, against the intentions of the authors of the mentioned telegrams, the Spanish government was unable to use their detailed and reliable knowledge of the course of two conflicts and of the political situation inthe Ottoman empire. The reasons for this should be looked for in, among others, the lack of internal stability in Spain, the weakness of its domestic economy, and the lack of strong middle class, capable of daring economic enterpries. The blame was also on the unsettled and uncertain situation whitin the Ottoman empire. Moreover, the Spanish authorites dis not see a deeper connection between the questions of Turkey and Poland. In the diplomatic mail from the capitals of the partitioners of Poland, when the question is mentioned, it is not connected with the situation inthe Orient: in the telegrams from Constantinople there is no clear evidence of comprehension of the dependence and mutual conditioning of the European powers polices towards Turkey and Polsnd.
The study cncerns that took place in Madrid in March 1766 which made history and are know as the Esquilache riots or as "the revolt of the long capes and broadbrimmed hats". The article is based not only on the well-known sources but also on some newly found facts that were not previusly published. Those facts come from there confessions of the bystanders of the rebels and are the from of letters (the reproduction of the original can be found at the end of this thesis) which are kept in Biblioteca de Catalunya in Barcelona. The aim of the end of the article is to prove that the Esquilache Riots did not conorm to pattern of the traditional city rebellions during the ara of the ancien regime. It is necessery to consider this rebellion in the context of similiar ones that plane in France during the XVI and XVII centuries as well as the French Revolution. It has similarites to both, which can be seen on the two opposining sides: both the royality and the society. The rebellion demonstrated that the crisis was caused by the rule system under the region of Charles III (1759-1788). This crisis triggered the political transformation of Spain which led the liberal society of the second half of XIX century. The rebellion arose due to both the deciline of Spain and the general desire for change. The evidence of this change was visible in the way of thinking and acting of both the subjecta and the king and his managment. "Motion de Esquilache" conveyed the inefficiency of the old structures of the country faced with the growing discontent and spiration of people wanting to speak about their situation. This conflict was not as radical as the one in France in 1789 but it was for the conditions in Spain at that time. The author of the articleobserves similiar precursories leading up to the riot in Madrid as seen before the french revolution. The author also corrects sme of the popular but not always true opinions about the essence and course of this riot.
The Spanish liberalism, in particular the ten-year period of moderate liberals’ rule (moderados), known as ”the Moderate Decade” (década moderada, 1844-1854), was characterized by a number of contradictions affecting nearly all aspects of life, including the system of government. Spain at that time, weakened by the incessant struggles for power, appears as a post-absolutist state, which retained many elements of the old order, but at the same time maintained the appearances of i iuntroducing elements typical of the new liberal order. Election forgery was the most serious ”ulcer” that troubled the Spanish liberal monarchy, is it brought further negative consequences that led to widening the gap between the theory, included in the 1845 Constitution and its supplementing acts, and the practice of governing. The dissonance between the public opinion and its representation in the Cortes, formed as a result of falsified elections, perfectly accounts for the troubled course of the long developmental process of Spanish liberalism. Clearly, Moderados could not deal with the synthesis of two completely different systems, i.e. the ancien régime and the liberal revolution. They spoke much of the new order, but only created appearances of introducing it, being too deeply rooted in the old system. Falsifying the election results was a violence of the constitutional equality of all citizens. It must be borne in mind, however, that Isabella’s monarchy had to face a range of other paradoxes, such as frequent suspension of the Cortes sessions and shortening its term of office, rapid cabinet changes (between 1843-1854 there were as many as sixteen governments), fictitious power of Isabella II, who gave in to the pressure from various groups of influence, violating the freedom of speech and press, or disregarding private property. The reality created by Moderados was thus a denial of the existing laws. Yet it was the only probable course of events, since such a situation was to serve the realization of the politics of particular factions inside the Moderate Party, not the realization of national politics.
Izabela Czartoryska (since 1857 Countess Dzialynski) lived with her family in Paris and, like her closest relatives, was an emigrant. She is primarily known as a collector and creator of the museum in Goluchow Castle, which she rebuilt with the help of French and Polish architects. Her numerous travels around Europe and North Africa (Middle East, Algeria) had a very important role in shaping her artistic skills and passion for collecting. In mid-November 1856 Izabela travelled to Spain with her brother Władysław and his wife Maria Amparo Muñoz y de Borbón. In the text presented here I will first of all reconstruct the course of this tour. I place it in the context of the complicated political situation in Spain and Władysław Czartoryski’s secret diplomatic efforts under the auspices of the Lambert Hotel. I try to establish to what extent the stay of Adam Jerzy Czartoryski’s daughter in Spain influenced the development of her artistic interests. I draw attention to similarities and differences between the princess's accounts and the descriptions of other travelers. I also address the issue of Izabela's protracted marriage negotiations, which in the future would prove unsuccessful. The article is based on the Czartoryski family correspondence, especially Izabella’s letters written in French to her mother, Princess Anna Czartoryska née Sapieha.
PL
Izabela Czartoryska (od 1857 r. hrabina Działyńska) mieszkała wraz z rodziną w Paryżu i podobnie jak jej najbliżsi była emigrantką. Jest znana przede wszystkim jako kolekcjonerka i twórczyni muzeum w gołuchowskim zamku, który przebudowała z pomocą francuskich i polskich architektów. Bardzo ważną rolę w kształtowaniu zdolności artystycznych oraz pasji kolekcjonerskich księżniczki stanowiły jej liczne podróże po Europie i Afryce Północnej (Bliski Wschód, Algieria). W połowie listopada 1856 r. Izabela wspólnie z bratem Władysławem i jego żoną Marią Amparo Muñoz y de Borbón wyjechała do Hiszpanii. W prezentowanym tekście dokonuję przede wszystkim odtworzenia przebiegu tego wojażu. Umieszczam go w kontekście skomplikowanej sytuacji politycznej Hiszpanii oraz tajnych zabiegów dyplomatycznych Władysława Czartoryskiego pod auspicjami Hotelu Lambert. Staram się ustalić, w jakim stopniu pobyt córki Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego w Hiszpanii wpłynął na rozwój jej zainteresowań artystycznych. Zwracam uwagę na podobieństwa i różnice relacji księżniczki z opisami innych podróżników. Poruszam także kwestię przeciągającego się zamążpójścia Izabeli, które w przyszłości okaże się nieudane. Artykuł powstał na podstawie korespondencji rodzinny Czartoryskich, zwłaszcza listów Izabeli pisanych po francusku do matki, księżnej Anny z Sapiehów Czartoryskiej.
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