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EN
In the Soviet Union during World War II, the Polish army was formed twice. The first occasion occurred after the establishment of diplomatic relations between Moscow and the Polish London (London was the constitutional headquarters of the Polish government during wartime) in 1941 under General Anders. The second occasion occurred in 1943 after breaking the mutual relations – as the result of Soviet action (Lt. Col. Berling - the deserter from Anders’ army promoted by Stalin to the rank of genera). In both, the role of military chaplain was formed. In Ander’s formation, chaplains were subordinated to the Polish supreme authority – field bishop, Fr. Gen. Joseph Gawlina, who approved of the organization and pastoral activities and even visited Anders’ army in Russia. It was different with the pastoral care in the Berling’s army, where chaplains had to certify Polish identity in the formation co-created by the Soviets. This essay shows the differences in the organization and pastoral activities of the military chaplains of both formations.
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EN
At the time of the agreement with the German Third Reich on Soviet aggression on Poland on September 17, 1939, the Ambassador of the Republic of Poland in Moscow was given a diplomatic note declaring that in the face of the "break-up of the Polish state" the USSR "is defending the Belarusian and Ukrainian population" in eastern Poland. This deceptive version was "bought" by the Allies of Poland in the West who pretended that Moscow was not a co-hostile against allied Poland. They explained that they didn’t want to deepen but to overthrow the German-Soviet alliance. The highest authorities of the Republic of Poland were charged that they were not consistent and did not declare a state of war between Poland and the USSR from September 17, 1939. This was a game of slander and the author documented the will of the parties to bring such charges. In the period of the Polish People's Republic, the myth of the so-justified Soviet intervention in 1939 was promulgated. Also, today, this issue for many politicians, historians and journalists remains not entirely clear. This text is an analysis of the formation of the basis of this myth, showing its political ground for various propaganda and proclamation of Western states, and ambiguous attitudes of Polish politicians, especially focused on the very naive and politically dependent General Sikorski, the chief of war and prime minister, with greater responsibility - than the ruling party of the Second Polish Republic - for establishing false opinions about Polish-Soviet relations in September 1939.
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