Some academics claim that history education is a vital component in citizenship education, others say that its role is overestimated. In the postmodern perspective there is “the end of the past” which is, to some extend, a product of consumption society and globalization. The contemporary societies are future-oriented and the rituals, myths and the need of belonging have nearly disappeared. In this context the questions about the purposes of history education and its relation to citizenship education are posed: should history education be nation-orientated to build loyalty and commitment or should it develop skills and knowledge for better comprehension of the present? Is history education oriented towards consensus or con ict? How to talk about history in multicultural societies, without marginalizing particular groups and without imperious imposition of the only version of “the Truth”? In order to answer to these question the reconstruction of the western debate has been made.
The paper presents contemporary discussion about consumerism in academia. Commercialization of higher education is widely discussed among scholars. Some of them condemn the commodi cation of higher education as well as the neoliberal approach. The others perceive the market orientation in HE as the necessity and the next step in this area development. The orientation on students as a customer is widely discussed in the literature. The author of this paper reconstructs and analyses selected problems of commercialization and consumerism in academia, including the relationship between the tutor and the student replaced by the producer- consumer relationship, grades in ation, student satisfaction and infantilization of education. Moreover, the author of the paper makes attempt to analyze di erent approaches towards consumerism in academia and presents a contrasting orientation towards problem in question.
The author assumes that popular culture plays a powerful role in the process of socialization of young generation. The author tries to present that the conventional national symbols are being replaced by pop symbols and thus become the sources of national identity. The concepts of banal nationalism put forward by Michael Billig or Tim Enderson’s idea of everyday life’s practices in the development of national identity are being used. In the text, the phenomenon of James Bond is used to analyze the contemporary debates on British identity (Britishness). The author assumes that James Bond is a great example of Englishness that serves as a complex manifestation of a British hero which may, in turn, play a crucial role in political, civic, and patriotic education.
Hejwosz-Gromkowska Daria, Kapitał i zaufanie społeczne a aktywność obywatelska w Anglii i Polsce – implikacje dla edukacji obywatelskiej [Capital and Social Trust vs. Active Citizenship in England and Poland – Implications for Civic Education]. Studia Edukacyjne nr 56, 2020, Poznań 2020, pp. 85-109. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 1233-6688. DOI: 10.14746/se.2020.56.5 The aim of the paper is to analyze the tendencies of shaping both social capital and social trust in England and Poland. The analyses of aforementioned categories allow to explain the patterns of conventional civic participation. The social capital and social trust are also important factors influencing citizenship education. Therefore, analysis comprises policies towards citizenship education in English and Polish schools.
Citizenship education was introduced as compulsory subject in English schools in 2002. Its implementation was followed by Crick Report (1998). Citizenship education has become the subject of interests of various social actors: academics, commentators, politicians and school teachers. Since its introduction, there have been changes in the National Curriculum as a consequences of both political transformations and changes in the government. The aim of the article is to analyze and reconstruct the political and social determinants of citizenship education in English schools. The considerations have been divided into four key periods, spanning the years 1998–2000 during which the Labour and then the Conservative goverments reformed National Curriculum of citizenship education.
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Edukacja obywatelska w Anglii została wprowadzona do szkół, jako odrębny i obowiązkowy przedmiot w 2002 roku. Jej implementacji – poza celami merytorycznymi wyrażonymi w tzw. Raporcie Cricka (1998) – przyświecały również cele polityczne wyrażone w programie Partii Pracy. Szkolna edukacja obywatelska stała się przedmiotem zainteresowań rożnych aktorów społecznych: naukowców, komentatorów, polityków, nauczycieli. Od momentu jej wprowadzenia następowały zmiany w programach nauczania, będących konsekwencją zarówno transformacji politycznych, jak i zmian na szczeblach władzy. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba analizy i rekonstrukcji politycznych i społecznych uwarunkowań edukacji obywatelskiej w systemie szkolnictwa obowiązkowego w Anglii. Rozważania zawarte w niniejszym artykule zostały podzielone na cztery kluczowe okresy, obejmujące lata (1998–2020), w których rządy Laburzystów, a następnie konserwatystów dokonywały reform w programach kształcenia mających znaczenie dla szkolnej edukacji obywatelskiej.
Faith institutions play a vital role in shaping social structure, social capital and social cohesion. Both religious and citizenship education can contribute to making good citizens. The latter is more political oriented, while the former is focused on faith, spirituality and morality. The English model of religious education is oriented towards a multi-faith dialogue, without the aspects of worship and confession. The phenomenological approach assures that every child, regardless of their religious background, is obligated to attend religious education. Today, the UK is facing many challenges, including secularization and cultural differentiation of the society. Thus, the educational institutions revise curricula and aims of learning. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the main premises of educational policy in the context of religious education in public schools in England. I will also attempt to reconstruct the social and political ongoing debate on the aims of RE.
Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity (“unity in diversity”). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration.
Wprowadzenie. W poszczególnych systemach edukacyjnych istnieją różne podejścia wobec nauczania religii w szkole. W Polsce edukacja religijna ma charakter wyznaniowy (katecheza) w związku z silną pozycją Kościoła Katolickiego. Zważywszy na fakt, że 94.2% uczniów szkół podstawowych uczęszcza na katechezę, autorkę tekstu interesowało, czy w podstawie nauczania dla szkół podstawowych uwzględnia się problematykę różnorodności religijnej i wyznaniowej oraz czy religia traktowana jest tako fenomen kulturowy. Cel. Celem artykułu jest analiza podstawy programowej dla szkół podstawowych i programu nauczania katechezy w celu zweryfikowania treści odnoszących się do religii jako fenomenu kulturowego. Metody. Posłużono się jakościową analizą treści podstawy programowej dla szkoły podstawowej w celu ustalenia na jakich przedmiotach (gdzie?) oraz w jaki sposób (jaki kontekst?) religia jako zjawisko kulturowe zawarta jest w tym bazowym dokumencie. Wyniki. Z przeprowadzonych analiz wynika, że problem religii jako zjawiska kulturowego jest marginalizowany w podstawie programowej dla szkoły podstawowej.
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Introduction. The nature of religious education or religious instruction may vary in different societies. The confessional religious education, namely catechesis, dominates in public schools, as the Roman Catholic Church continues to hold a strong position in Poland. Considering the fact that 94.2% of elementary school students receive the catechism, the author of the paper was interested in whether the Polish elementary schools teach about different religions, religious diversity, and religion as a cultural phenomenon? Aim. The aim of the presented paper is to analyse the National Curriculum and catechesis curriculum for elementary education in order to verify its content referring to religion in terms of cultural phenomenon. Methods. The qualitative content analysis of National Curriculum of elementary school was used in order to find out where (which school subject) and how (which context) religion as a cultural phenomenon is included in the aforementioned document. Results. The analyses indicate that the problem of religion as a cultural phenomenon is marginalized in the National Curriculum and catechesis curriculum for elementary school.
The aim of the study is to analyze textbook narratives of “Solidarity,” with a special emphasis on the leading figures and symbols present in history textbooks used at the upper secondary level in the years 1991-2018. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the study. Using quantitative method enabled to establish the frequency in occurrence of “Solidarity” people in textbook narratives, as well as their possible alteration over time. The subsequently applied critical discourse analysis (CDA) made it possible to explore the values and ideologies hidden in history textbook narratives of “Solidarity.” The obtained results show that the content of textbooks and representations of historical figures remain relatively constant, thus, they are not subject to political shifts. Women remain outside the historical narrative, becoming one of the marginalized groups.
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Celem badania była analiza podręcznikowych narracji o „Solidarności”, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem czołowych postaci i symboli, obecnych w podręcznikach do historii, używanych w liceach ogólnokształcących w latach 1991-2018. W badaniu zastosowano metody ilościowe i jakościowe. Metoda ilościowa pozwoliła na sprawdzenie częstotliwości występowania nazwisk ludzi „Solidarności” i ewentualnych zmian w czasie. Z kolei zastosowana krytyczna analiza dyskursu (CDA) umożliwiła eksplorację wartości oraz ideologii ukrytych w podręcznikowych narracjach o „Solidarności”. Uzyskane wyniki pokazują, że treść podręczników, a także reprezentacje postaci pozostają na względnie stałym poziomie, nie ulegając tym samym zmianom politycznym. Kobiety pozostają poza narracją historyczną, stając się jedną z marginalizowanych grup.
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