W okresie panowania Stanisława Augusta magistrat miasta Kowna wysyłał swoich delegatów na sejmy aż osiem razy: od sejmu elekcyjnego 1764 r. do ostatniego grodzieńskiego w 1793 r. Najprawdopodobniej do czasu reform Sejmu Czteroletniego zainteresowanie kownian było ograniczone do spraw lokalnych ich miasta. W 1789 r. pod wpływem Wiadomości o pierwiastkowej miast zasadzie w Polszcze Michała Swinarskiego w kowieńskiej instrukcji znalazły się pierwsze żądania o treści politycznej, dotyczące całej Rzeczypospolitej – aby delegaci miast mieli prawo głosu na każdym sejmie. Z drugiej strony Kowno zawsze orientowało się na największe miasta Wielkiego Księstwa – Wilno i Grodno. W prośbach do sejmu kownianie skupiali uwagę na handlu, rzemiośle, komunikacji miasta, ale dążąc do swoich celów, starali się wykorzystać zmiany zachodzące w całym państwie. Na podstawie kowieńskiego przykładu można zaryzykować tezę, że aktywność polityczna mieszczan litewskich była większa niż dotychczas sądzono w historiografii. During the reign of King Stanislaus Augustus, the burghers of Kowno (Kaunas) sent their delegates to the Sejm of the Commonwealth as many as eight times, starting from the Election Sejm of 1764 to the last, Grodno (Hrodna) Sejm, in 1793. But, most probably, until the reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), their interests focused on local problems and matters concerning their city. In 1789, under the influence of Michał Swinarski’s text Wiadomości o pierwiastkowej miast zasadzie w Polsce (Knowledge of the Primary Principle of Cities in Poland), the instruction of the Kowno sejmik included the first political demands applying to the whole Commonwealth – that representatives of townsmen should participate, with voting rights, in every sejm. On the other hand, Kaunas had always been oriented toward the largest cities of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – Wilno (Vilnius) and Grodno. In their requests to the Sejm, the burghers focused mainly on local affairs: commerce, crafts, city’s transport, but – in pursuing their objectives – they tried to build on changes within the whole Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The example of Kowno allows us to presume that Lithuanian townsmen were more active politically than previously thought in the literature on the subject.
The reforms in the second half of the eighteenth century affected the cities and towns of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in various ways. After the reform of 1776, the majority of small towns in the Grand Duchy were deprived of the Magdeburg Law, while they retained the right to acquire landed estates. Apart from private towns, only 11 towns managed by territorial administrators – starosts – and belonging to the royal estates retained their privileged status. During the sessions of the Great Sejm (1788–1792), the discussions on the situation of Lithuanian towns were resumed. Representatives of towns that retained the Magdeburg Law, those which had lost it, and those striving for new rights and liberties were invited by the municipal authorities of the Old Town of Warsaw in order to submit their demands in the Sejm together with all the towns. The new town laws of 1791 laid the foundations for modern urban administration and prepared the grounds for burghers to fight for their rights and liberties, which was influenced by the municipal self-government institutions established under these laws. The question of the number of small Lithuanian towns which took advantage of this opportunity during one year (1791/1792) has already been considered in Lithuanian and Polish historiography. Until now, however, historians have usually limited themselves to indicating the number of issued self-government privileges (74), but this figure does not provide a full picture of the political activity of the Lithuanian bourgeoisie. The article identifies 130 small Lithuanian towns (excluding 11 towns which retained the Magdeburg Law) which actively participated in the political movement of the bourgeoisie in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and analyses the composition of this group of urban settlements.
The following central police institutions were in operation in the Grand duchy of Lithuania in 1775–1794: Police department (1775–1789), Police Commission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1791–1792) and Police Commission of the GDL (1793–1794). In addition there were local institutions such as the Great Law and Order Commissions (1776–1789) and Civil Military Commissions (1790–1792, 1793–1794). Initially the activity of police institutions was concentrated mainly in the cities but in 1792 expanded beyond their boundaries and covered all territories of the country. Among the key functions of the said institutions were supervision and control. The situation underwent changes in the period of the insurrection of 1794; however, this is already outside the chronological framework of the article. One of the most burning issues that the state had to deal with was the maintenance of the police institutions and officers. Retrenchment was one of the reasons accountable for the ineffectual operation of the Police department and the Great Law and Order Commissions. Employee compensation and funding related issues were continuously raised. Insufficient funding impeded the structural expansion of the Police Commission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Despite the abovementioned situation, the operation of Civil Military Commissions was quite successful as the law did not provide for the remuneration of the commissioners. Derangement of funding did not affect the functioning of the Police Commission of the GDL which in line with the law managed to develop and expand its structure in a relatively short time span. The evolution of police institutions in the Grand duchy of Lithuania was impeded by the General Confederation of the GDL of 1792–1793 and time deficit for the implementation of reforms. Uncoordinated and poorly defined actions of central and local police institutions as well as the indeterminate subordination of local institutions to central ones performing the same functions affected the efficiency of the said institutions. The situation that was observable in the period from 1776 to 1789 was more reminiscent of vegetation rather than normal operation of the central institution – the Police department. Establishment of local institutions was rather chaotic and departed from the program of the central authorities. Attempts to take over the supervision and control over the local institutions resulted in the strict objections from the opposition. These shortcomings were successfully eliminated in 1792 de facto and from late 1793 – also in accordance with the law. Thus the hierarchization and centralization of police institutions was anchored. Working hours, specialization, nature and amount of documentation, order of meetings and mandatory composition of officers at the meetings was in a stricter and more explicit way regulated by national laws and internal operation rules of the institutions (cf. the Great Law and Order Commissions and Civil Military Commissions). Officers of low-ranked central police institutions (chancery and local subdivisions) were issued with strictly defined operating procedures, knew their subordination in the hierarchical system of officers, had fixed (though fluctuating due to financial issues) salary which normally was their only means of support. It is possible to track down the continuous career of the officers despite the political changes.