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EN
The patterns of culture is a well known phrase which was used for first time by Ruth Benedict. The successors of this tradition believe that culture – in its essence – is governed by rules of a different kind. Anthropologists, sociologists and representatives of cultural studies, focus attention on patterns of very long duration (long-term historical structures which denote a variety of organized behaviours). One of these researchers is Janusz Hryniewicz. According to Hryniewicz, Polish economic practice is deeply involved in the cultural patterns of a so called manor farm origin. Unfortunately, this statement is inefficiently justified. This assumption is supported by circumstancial evidence (similarities between historical events) instead of the proper structural analysis of historical data. The main purpose of this paper is to scrutinize how patterns of culture (especially patterns of Polish economic culture) arise and which factors determine their stability.
PL
Celem artykułu jest rewizja redukcjonistycznych założeń zawierających się w koncepcji demaskatora. Czołowi reprezentanci etyki gospodarczej, teorii zarządzania, politologii czy nauk prawnych konsekwentnie (i na ogół bezrefleksyjnie) posługują się definicjami demaskacji stworzonymi na przełomie lat siedemdziesiątych i osiemdziesiątych XX wieku przez takich autorów jak Ralph Nader, Marcia Miceli, Janet Near i Terry M. Dworkin. Niestety tamte definicje nie są aktualne. Materiały badawcze gromadzone w sprawie dowodzą, że historyczne programy ochrony demaskatora nie uwzględniają licznej grupy informatorów pochodzących spoza organizacji. Z punktu widzenia twórców owych programów było jasne, że osoby spoza organizacji nie mogą o niej wiele wiedzieć, oraz nie są zagrożone konsekwencjami w postaci kary za demaskację. W swoim artykule przytaczam argumenty uzasadniające tezę, iż oba założenia są błędne i szkodliwe. Definicja demaskacji w tym kształcie nie wystarcza, by sprawować etyczną kontrolę nad sferą reprodukcji materialnej.
EN
The aim of the article is to scrutinize the reductionist assumptions made in the theory of the whistleblower. Leading representatives of business ethics, theory of management, political and legal sciences consistently (and usually mindlessly) use definitions of whistleblowing created at the turn of the 70s and 80s of the XXth century by Ralph Nader, Marcia Miceli, Janet Near and Terry M. Dworkin. Alas, those definitions are out of date. Empirical data gathered and analyzed since those times proves that the whistleblower protection programmes indicated did not take into consideration the large group of informers from outside the organizations. From that historical perspective it seemed to be obvious that people who had not been employees (1) did not know much about an unethical institution or a company and (2) were not threatened with organizational revenge. I argue – in the article – that both assumptions are incorrect and harmful. A definition of whistleblowing in this form is insufficient to maintain ethical control in the sphere of economic life.
PL
Od niepamiętnych czasów lewicowi politycy oraz badacze społeczni krytycznie nastawieni do oświeceniowego ideału demokracji skupiają uwagę na tych dysfunkcjach życia publicznego, które ów ideał stawiają pod znakiem zapytania. Wyróżnione miejsce w tej krytyce zajmuje gospodarka rynkowa postrzegana jako sfera wyłączona spod kontroli społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Władza pieniądza oraz demokratyczny sposób podejmowania decyzji pozostają w nieustającym konflikcie. W efekcie opinia publiczna państwa demokratycznego nie jest zdolna do obrony swojej autonomii. Tymczasem istnieje zapomniane rozwiązanie tego problemu. Teoria liberalna od jej XVIII-wiecznych początków kładzie nacisk na podstawową umiejętność uczestników rynku dotyczącą właściwej oceny różnorodnych dóbr oferowanych przez rynek. Jeśli więc rynek zinterpretować jako miejsce (paralelnej) promocji i dystrybucji produktów politycznych, to „polityczni konsumenci” nie powinni być postrzegani jak bezsilni interlokutorzy. Wręcz przeciwnie, ponieważ są zdolni do odróżniania lepszych propozycji politycznych od gorszych, mogą oni odgrywać aktywną rolę w życiu politycznym.
EN
From time immemorial the left wing politicians and social scientists critically disposed towards the Enlightenment ideal of democracy focus their attention on these dysfunctions of public life which put it into question. A special place in the critique occupies the problem of free market economy treated as the sphere (partially) excluded from control exercised by the civil society. The power of money and the democratic decision-making process are in permanent clash. The effect of this discrepancy is distorted picture of political life. Public opinion in democratic state is no longer able to defend its political autonomy. Meanwhile, there is forgotten solution. The liberal theory from its 18th century beginnings put stress to fundamental ability of market participants to estimate properly value of different goods (offered by the market). If the market is taken as the mechanism of parallel promotion and distribution of political products, then “political consumers” can no longer be treated as helpless actors. It`s just the opposite way. Since they are able to distinguish better political proposal from the worse ones, they can play active part in political life.
EN
The aim of this article is to scrutinise the relationship between the moral attitude of an entrepreneur and their possibility to gain a competitive advantage. This declaration leads to the following question: Whether the everyday practice confirms or denies the economic usefulness ofthe postulate of corporate social responsibility. On the one hand, moral desertion is obviously profitable (also in an economic sense). Partners of the deserter, in most cases, are not able to avoid (unexpected and expansive) the consequences of this new attitude towards them. On the other hand, this strategy – in the long run – is unlikely to be profitable. The former victims adjust to their new circumstances and become ready to face the attack. Therefore corporate social responsibility, in the final calculation, should be taken as the only way to protect an active participant of the market against the temptation to neglect his obligation towards people, who can punish or reward him (as stakeholders or whistleblowers).
PL
Zagadnieniem absorbującym uwagę naukowców i komentatorów życia publicznego są wzory kultury kształtujące tożsamość Polaków. Do Pawła Jasienicy, Aleksandra Bocheńskiego, Jerzego Topolskiego, Witolda Kuli, Józefa Burszty, Józefa Tischnera, Janusza Hryniewicza, Janusza Tazbira (itd.) dołączyli ostatnio tacy autorzy jak Ryszard Legutko, Andrzej Leder czy Jan Sowa. Z wymienionych źródeł dowiadujemy się nie tylko tego, jak interpretować historię Polski, lecz w równym stopniu, jakie czynniki hamują dziś jej rozwój społeczny i gospodarczy. Ustalenia te przenikają do publicznej debaty o tym, jak być powinno. Tym większe obawy budzą związki pomiędzy metodologią preferowaną w owych badaniach a treścią diagnozy. Do błędów najczęściej popełnianych należą nierzetelna rekonstrukcja kulturowych kodów i artefaktów (przyjmowany w postaci założenia wstępnego) homogeniczny model kultury czy mylenie procesów długiego trwania z procesami społecznej zmiany. Stąd pytanie, czy obraz kultury obciążony podobnymi ułomnościami objaśnia jej porządek, czy odzwierciedla wyobrażenia badacza na jej temat?
EN
Researchers and commentators of public life pay great attention to patterns of culture that shape the identity of Poles. From Paweł Jasienica, Aleksander Bocheński, Jerzy Topolski, Witold Kula, Józef Burszty, Józef Tischner, Janusz Hryniewicz, Janusz Tazbir, (and lately from) Ryszard Legutko, Andrzej Leder or Jan Sowa we learn not only how to interpret the history of Poland, but also to what factors inhibit its social and economic development. These findings permeate the public debate about how it should be. The more worrying is the relationship between the preferred methodology in these studies and the content of the diagnosis. The most common mistakes are unreliable reconstruction of cultural codes and artifacts, (treated as a preliminary assumption) homogeneous model of culture or confusion of long-term processes with processes of social change. So the question is whether the diagnosis burdened with similar weaknesses explains cultural order or reflects the image of the researcher on it?
EN
The purpose of the paper is twofold. Firstly, to formulate a definition of University social responsibility (which takes into account social expectations towards this institution and its internal determinants as well). The final result of this research is the definition built on two concepts. On one hand, it is a stakeholder policy, on the other hand, a whistleblower policy. These are the criteria of responsibility, that is to say, rules which make the institution transparent and open to social criticism. Secondly, the article tends to establish whether a university in Poland (treated as a dominant institution of knowledge) is rightly seen as an irresponsible partner of civil society. Form the business ethics perspective the university is the more responsible, the more intensive are its relations with the social environment represented by stakeholders and whistleblowers. When they do not play their parts properly, the relations must be considered dysfunctional. Additional explanation of this problem is provided by the theory of management. In a use of the concept of the final customer, public opinion can find out if it-really-is the main interlocutor of the university. Social partners of this institution focus their attention on politicians and public administration taken as the alternative final customer of the academic product.
EN
The aim of this article is to scrutinize the relationship between the moral attitude of an entrepreneur and his or her possibility to gain competitive advantage. This declaration leads to the following question: does the everyday practice confirm or deny the economic usefulness of the postulate of corporate social responsibility? On the one hand, moral desertion is obviously profitable (also in the economic sense). Partners of the deserter, in most cases, are not able to avoid (unexpected and expansive) consequences of his or her new attitude towards them. On the other hand, this strategy-in long-term perspective-seems to be doubtfully profitable. The former victims orientate themselves to their new circumstances and become ready to face the attack. Therefore, the corporate social responsibility, in the final calculation, should be taken as the only way to protect active participants of the market against the temptation to neglect their obligation towards people, who can punish or reward them (as stakeholders and whistleblowers).
EN
The Constitution of The Republic of Poland (Article 17) says that: “By means of a statute, self‑governments may be created within a profession in which the public repose confidence, and such self‑governments shall concern themselves with the proper practice of such professions in accordance with, and for the purpose of protecting, the public interest”. This regulation is based on two principles: The first is the principle of professionalism; the second embraces norms that must be observed by representatives of professions of public trust. Those groups can make the decisions of their members or profits for themselves. This puts them in a different position than other participants of social and economic life. Professional associations are not driven by market rules, nor administrative regulations (relating to the postulate of the division of labor). The problem begins when – from a social point of view – it is no longer possible to regard these organizations as trustworthy partners. The gap between legal and social perspectives raises doubts about the way in which a civil society could face professional self‑governments when they are seen as being hostile to them.
PL
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EN
The aim of the study is to analyse the stereotype of the Pole in the context of the Applied Cultural Studies perspective. Four basic areas of research can be discerned: other people’s variable associations concerning Poles; other people’s prejudices and generalizations that influence their attitude towards Poles; the results of Poles’ self-evaluation made on the basis of their current experience; the “social frameworks of memory” which shape the Poles’ ideas concerning their place in history. Since the purpose of this investigation is to reconstruct the mechanism of self-stereotyping, which involves scholars as much as the society they serve, contingent feelings about their situation are of secondary importance.
PL
Rozważania przedstawione w artykule opierają się na hipotezie, iż etyka biznesu wymaga wsparcia z różnych źródeł. Z jednej strony etyczna prawomocność może być kwestionowana ze względu na brak uzasadnienia epistemologicznego. Z drugiej, etyka biznesu może być postrzegana przez swoich reprezentantów jako nauka stosowana, czyli refleksja użyteczna w sferze organizacji i działania. Dlatego niektórzy z nich kierują swoją uwagę na wzorce kulturowe i przyjmują, że kultura zawiera normy, które są ostatecznie uznawane przez uczestników rynku. Normy te są traktowane jako potencjalne rozwiązanie głównych etycznych problemów występujących w sferze ludzkiej aktywności. Jednocześnie wzorce kulturowe mogą oddziaływać negatywnie na rozwój życia gospodarczego i politycznego. Oznacza to, że kultura jest determinowana przez logikę wartości, która – inaczej niż logika rzeczy stosowana w opisie faktów społecznych – łączy heterogeniczne zestawy norm i dyrektyw w historyczne całości, zaś zakorzenienie wartości w kulturze przesądza o ich trwałości. Prowadzi to do wniosku, że znajomość kulturowych wzorców jest warunkiem wstępnym do badania w obszarze teorii społecznych i ekonomicznych.
EN
The research issues are based on the hypothesis that business ethics needs to be supported by evidence of different kinds. On the one hand, ethical claim to validity is in doubt as long as it is does not find (epistemological) justification. On the other hand, business ethics is seen by its representatives as applied knowledge, that is to say, reflection useful in terms of organization and behavior. Therefore, some of them focus their attention on patterns of culture. These researches believe that culture embraces norms to be respected ultimately by market participants. These norms are taken as (potential) solution of the main ethical problems of the sphere of human activity. At the same time cultural patterns may negatively influence the development of political and economic life. That concept intends that culture is determined by the logic of values (different from the logic of reality used in describing social facts) which combines heterogenic sets of norm and directives into historical integrity. In the presented concept the stability of values is determined by its taking hold in culture. It leads to the conclusion that knowledge of cultural patterns is the precondition for effective research on the field of social (and economic) theory.
EN
There is no doubt that the Catholic Church is in a deep crisis. On the one hand, it is internally divided between supporters of the changes initiated during the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) and conservatives opposing these changes in the name of the (Counter-Reformation) decisions made during the Council of Trent (1545–1563). On the other hand, the Church is involved in a number of political, financial, paedophile, etc. scandals. They prove the progressive loss of contact of this institution with the world as a place to preach the Gospel. For both of these reasons, the number of believers in countries considered Catholic is steadily decreasing. The purpose of this article is to correct or supplement this diagnosis. Historically, the Catholic Church – like many other religious organizations – has never been „spotless”. However, this did not prevent Catholics from identifying themselves with this institution as the depository of the Revealed Truth. Today is different. Many of them are experiencing an identity crisis. They cannot reconcile the Gospel (which takes the form of religious dogma) with the existential and moral challenges they face every day. The subject of the research undertaken in this article is to find answers to the questions (1) about the skills that allow them to reconcile one with the other and (2) about the role of the Church in the education of the community of the faithful.
EN
Facing the economic crisis (began in 2007) managers and political leaders pay more attention to the postulate of socially responsible business. The axiological turn gives new possibilities to implement ethical standards in the sphere of economy. Alas, at the same time, this task evokes the following problems. Firstly, as social researchers, we need to know how to compose heterogeneous axiological systems (to join rules of ethics with the imperative of economic efficiency). Secondly, as market participants, we have to find the formula of mutual understanding (being seen as precondition of our ethical claims).
PL
Badania nad koncepcją interesariusza R. Edwarda Freemana obejmują dwa zagadnienia. Pierwsze z nich odnosi się historii tej propozycji. W kolejnych etapach postępowania badawczego – prowadzonego przez Freemana – zyskuje na znaczeniu refleksja etyczna nad interesariuszem. Umożliwia ona szacowanie ryzyka, jakie stwarza interesariusz, zwracając się przeciwko przedsiębiorstwu. Kluczowe znaczenie ma pytanie, kiedy może on liczyć na wsparcie opinii publicznej. Doprecyzowując myśl należy ustalić, co sprawia, że społeczne otoczenie interesariusza identyfikuje się z nim oraz jego roszczeniami. Drugie zagadnienie dotyczy właściwego doboru środków etycznych. Podążając tropem Freemana, akcent pada najpierw na filozofię transcendentalną. Wynikiem współpracy Freemana z Evanem jest skojarzenie kantowskiej metafizyki moralności ze społecznymi przekonaniami o tym, jak być powinno (czy przynajmniej z wiedzą o zasadach ich kształtowania się). Niestety to rozwiązanie napotyka przeszkody aplikacyjne stawiające pod znakiem zapytania jego przydatność. Z tego powodu Freeman sięga po konstruktywistyczne narzędzie. Traktując normę etyczną jako przedmiot społecznych uzgodnień, odtwarza on ewoluujące kryterium poparcia dla interesariusza. Instrumentalnym zastosowaniom rzeczonego kryterium towarzyszy wątpliwość co do jego reprezentatywności (umocowania epistemologicznego). Stąd potrzeba wytyczenia granic, w których znajdowałoby ono zastosowanie niebudzące (poznawczych) kontrowersji.
EN
The purpose of the article is twofold. Firstly, it refers to the stakeholder theory by R. Edward Freeman, that is to say, the stages of its development. The focus of attention is relationship between rules of management and ethics. The reflection of the second kind seems to be useless as long as one does not take into consideration the stakeholder opposition risk. It leads to the question when a stakeholders can expect support from public opinion, in other words, when society – at large or in particular – identifies itself with stakeholders involved into conflict with a company. This is the second purpose of the article. If ethics is treated as a tool to examine stakeholder opposition risk, then one need to determine which ethical proposition may be taken as the prognostic tool (of this kind)? The first answer given be Freeman is the transcendental one. Freeman and Evan believe that Kant`s metaphysics of morals is identical with moral expectations of a definite society or at least gives comprehensive informations on this. Alas, this solution meets applied problems which make it useless in management practice. Therefore Freeman, finally chooses different ethical criterion. In the use of constructive norms of ethical correctness he is going to establish when a stakeholders can expect support from their socio-economic partners. This constructive proposition is a subject to further analysis in the article.
EN
Domniemane i rzeczywiste przyczyny chińskiego cudu gospodarczego. Polemikaz Kazimierzem Poznańskim [Alleged and real reasons for the Chinese economy miracle. A polemicwith Kazimierz Poznański] edited by W. Banach, M.A. Michalski, J. Sójka, „Człowiek i Społeczeństwo”vol. XLVI: Między Chinami a Zachodem. Pytanie o źródła chińskiego sukcesu gospodarczego [BetweenChina and the West. An inquiry into the sources of the Chinese economic miracle], Poznań 2018,pp. 67–84, Adam Mickiewicz University. Faculty of Social Sciences Press. ISSN 0239-3271. China has come a long way in the last hundred years. It is so long that it’s easy to forget about the problems that the Chinese had to face earlier. They struggled with patterns of long duration making it difficult for them to break out of the centuries-old stagnation. The Chinese were looking for new patterns of political culture. However, not only those patterns required a correction. If Fukuyama is right, the rules of caring for one’s family at the expense of social obligations have turned out to be no less troublesome. The Chinese way to prosperity led then not only through the public sphere, but also through the hearts and minds of the Chinese. They had to cut themselves off from the past. Meanwhile, in the time of economic prosperity, the longing for the past returns. The place of doctrines borrowed from the Western world replaces nostalgia. Deng Xiaoping’s political references to the teachings of Confucius are – in the blink of an eye – becoming the basic message. It is not surprising that the Chinese people want to forget about the embarrassing moments of their own history. These trends, however, should not affect external observers of economic life in China. One of such observers is Kazimierz Poznański. He believes that the cause of the Chinese economic miracle is the Confucian ethics (despite the historical changes shaping the Chinese mentality). The aim of the article is to verify this hypothesis.
EN
The object of my last year’s presentation were communication (ethical, integration, political) threats posed by a foundation seen as an extension to a company in its traditional sense. I came to the conclusion that an automatic transfer of social trust capital to the parent company (in certain, specified by me, contexts) causes the foundation to betray its mission. It is the company that becomes the main beneficiary of mutual aid activities. This year, the paper addresses the following three issues. Firstly, I intend to show the symbolic pressure exerted on both consumers and producers, which is made possible by the ‘labeling’ of products of ‘socially sensitive’ companies. There would be no point questioning the fact of shaping social attitudes if it weren’t for an ambiguous position of the co-ordinator of the enterprise, who becomes vested with the rights of a certification authority. Another question under consideration is the transformation of a foundation into a quasi-company. A third-sector organization adds business activity to the goals specified in its by-laws. It results in taking on highly-skilled professionals who have nothing to do with charitable activity of a third sector organization. Finally, there is a danger of a foundation’s approximation to a second-sector organization. A foundation may be financed by a public administration body. This may lead to the division of the final product of a foundation between the beneficiaries and the body which sponsors its operation using a ‘lump sum’ payment. Whichever the problem, the key aspect seems societal control over mutual aid activities. Its lack results in an abuse of power and the diminished trust of the manipulated society in effective cooperation.
EN
The aim of the study is to present the project of applied cultural studies – a result of work inspired by the output of representatives of the Poznań School of Methodology. Florian Znaniecki, Jerzy Topolski and Jerzy Kmita give a picture of culture the research of which is – to put it as briefly as possible – subjected to the principle of diversity in the models constituting it. Human motifs demand careful research precisely because they escape a simple comparison of arguments resulting from the knowledge of social facts. In accordance with this assumption the concept of applied cultural studies is accompanied by the conviction that heterogeneous systems of models of culture may become the object of development.
EN
Two parallel problems come under close scrutiny in my paper. First of them concerns the question whether victims of a (politically or economically) stronger thief are ethically entitled to steal their property in revenge? I argue that this kind of theft could be seen as a hidden form of protection because the symbolic relation between the first aggressor and his victim is extremely unequal. An ordinary man usually has no public means to oppose corporation or political institution. He has then to decide whether he chooses ethical perfection, which would stop him from doing anything; or he is ready, by himself, to inflict punishment on an (institutionalized) thief. The other problem concerns the consequences of the acceptance of ‘the balancing strategy.’ The case of modern state shows how hidden fighting against a stronger thief brings about opposite results. On one hand, an unfair political institution is deprived of its rights. But, on the other hand, the insubordinate citizen, who plays the part of the only owner of the criterion of fairness, destroys the rules of common life.
EN
The purpose of the paper is twofold. Firstly, to formulate a definition of a university’s social responsibility that takes into account social expectations from this institution and its internal determinants. The final result of this research is a definitione built on two concepts. On the one hand, it is a stakeholder policy, on the other hand, a whistleblower policy. These are the criteria of responsibility, i.e., the rules that make an institution transparent and open to social criticism. Secondly, the article poses the question whether a university in Poland (treated as a dominant institution of knowledge) is rightly seen as an irresponsible partner of civil society? From the business ethics perspective, the more responsible a university is, the more intense are its ties with the social environment represented by stakeholders and whistleblowers. When they fail to play their parts properly, the relationships should be considered dysfunctional. Additional explanation of this problem may be found in the theory of management. Using the concept of the final customer, public opinion can discover if it really is the main interlocutor of the university. The social partners of the university focus their attention on politicians and public administration as the alternative final customer of the academic product.
PL
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EN
The purpose of the essay is twofold. Firstly, to formulate a definition of a university’s social responsibility (which takes into account social expectations of this institution and its internal determinants). The final result of this research is the definition built on two concepts. On the one hand, it is the stakeholder policy, on the other hand, the whistle-blower policy. These criteria make a university transparent and open to social criticism. Secondly, the essay tends to establish whether Polish universities – treated as dominant institutions of knowledge – can be seen as responsible partner(s) of civil society. From the perspective of the Principles for Responsible Management Education (PRME), the more responsible university, the better the dialogical relationships with its social environment. This leads to the question whether the relationships of Polish universities with stakeholders and whistle-blowers – taken as the eyes and ears of civil society – are intensive enough.
PL
Badania podjęte w niniejszym artykule podzielone zostały na dwie części. Ich pierwszym celem jest ustalenie, czym jest społeczna odpowiedzialność uniwersytetu. Wynikiem tego postępowania jest definicja obejmująca zobowiązania uniwersytetu wobec interesariuszy i demaskatorów (sygnalistów). Wybór wymienionych aktorów nie jest przypadkowy. Tak skonstruowana definicja uwzględnia wymóg transparentności uniwersytetu oraz jego otwartości na społeczną krytykę. Po drugie, artykuł zmierza do ustalenia, czy polski uniwersytet – jako dominująca instytucja wiedzy – jest zarządzany w sposób społecznie odpowiedzialny. Posiłkując się zasadami odpowiedzialnej edukacji menedżerskiej (PRME), przyjąć należy, że miarą jego poprawności jest jego stosunek do społecznego otoczenia. To stwierdzenie wiedzie do pytania o jakość relacji polskiego uniwersytetu z interesariuszami i demaskatorami postrzeganymi jako oczy i uszy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.
EN
The history of Poland (the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) proves that peaceful coexistence of community groups with minorities representing Christian denominations (Ruthenians, Armenians, Czech brothers), various versions of Judaism (Karaims, Rabbinical Jews) and even Islam (Tatars) is possible. This coexistence took many forms. Some separated themselves from the majority, others succumbed to its influence to a degree that threatened their cultural and religious identity, the latter sought a balance between the two extremes. Each of these strategies entailed measurable costs. Minorities separating from the political majority risked their hostility. Groups too prone to cooperation with it to the inevitable assimilation. Finally, the consequence of this balance between the two was the weakening of the imperative of belonging to a minority group (and its gradual disappearance). This is the case of the Polish-Lithuanian Karaims. Their story leads to two conclusions. Firstly, that the search for an integration formula for a multicultural Europe should be accompanied by research on its history. Secondly, it is not always in the interest of the minority group to follow the middle path.
PL
Historia Polski (Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów) dowodzi, że możliwa jest pokojowa koegzystencja grup większościowych z mniejszościami reprezentującymi wyznania chrześcijańskie (Rusini, Ormianie, bracia czescy), różne wersje judaizmu (Karaimi, Żydzi rabiniczni) a nawet islam (Tatarzy). Koegzystencja ta przybierała różne formy. Jedni separowali się od większości, drudzy poddawali się jej wpływom w stopniu zagrażającym ich kulturowej i religijnej tożsamości, ostatni poszukiwali równowagi pomiędzy obiema skrajnościami. Każda z owych strategii pociągała za sobą wymierne koszty. Mniejszości separujące się od politycznej większości narażały się na jej wrogość. Grupy nazbyt podatne na współpracę z nią na nieuniknioną asymilację. Wreszcie konsekwencją działań polegających na wypośrodkowaniu pomiędzy jednym a drugim było osłabianie imperatywu przynależności do grupy mniejszościowej (i jej stopniowe zanikanie). Jest to przypadek Karaimów polsko-litewskich. Ich historia prowadzi do dwóch wniosków. Po pierwsze, że poszukiwaniom formuły integracyjnej dla wielokulturowej Europy powinny towarzyszyć badania dotyczące jej przeszłości. Po drugie natomiast, że podążanie drogą środka nie zawsze leży w interesie grupy mniejszościowej.
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