This article is an attempt to synthetically present and test the main conclusions of the State- as-Leviathan model. In the first part, the main assumptions of the model are described. In the second, the model is developed further in order to present main research hypotheses. In the third part, the critique and remarks on the model are reviewed. The fourth part is devoted to developing an empirical model and presenting the main findings of the analysis. The summary concludes the text with some suggestions for future research. The conducted analysis allows us to draw conclusions pointing to the less-than-perfect ability of the Leviathan model to describe real events in the areas of fiscal policy and taxation and, in some instances, seems to corroborate the conclusions ascribed to the "orthodox" theory of public finance criticized by Buchanan and Brennan. A regression model built upon a database on selected EU countries derived from the Eurostat, European Commission and European Social Survey points to the fact that indeed the broadness of the taxable base can positively influence public revenue. And it also negatively affects the way people perceive the national government (in line with model assumptions). But when we turn to the influence of the broadness of the base on its perceived quality of life, we can find out that, in the countries with a relatively broad base, people's perceived life satisfaction is significantly higher (in line with "orthodox" theories). At the same time, the analysis corroborates to some extent Leviathan-model suggestions that progressive taxation is beneficial for the citizens in comparison to proportional, as some recent research shows.
Purpose: This study examines the determinants of ex-ante state capture in Poland. Methodology: In order to establish the determinants of ex-ante state capture a logistic regression is estimated. Findings: The study shows that in Poland the majority of legal acts were passed with the aim to satisfy the interest of particular groups. Furthermore, the regression analysis shows that the likelihood of state capture increases during the period of higher economic growth and local elections. The likelihood of state capture, however, declines during presidential elections. The results we attribute to different interests of political parties in the period of local and presidential elections. Finally, we fi nd that the state capture increased over the years in Poland. Additionally, we show that the EU accession did not prevent state capture in Poland. In contrast, the fi nancial crisis of 2007 resulted in a wake-up effect and the likelihood of state capture declined in Poland. Research limitations: In the study we employ proxies for state capture, yet we assume that corruption is a widespread phenomenon in Poland. However, due to its nature corruption is very diffi cult to assess and measure. Originality: The study uses a unique dataset on ex-ante state capture that was identifi ed in the legal acts that have been passed in the period 1990–2011 in Poland.
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