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Przestępczość w Warszawie w 1992 r. (Analiza Statystyczna)

100%
Gruszczyńska B.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1994
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issue XX
137-153
EN
This work contains a statistical analysis of crime in Warsaw in 1992 based on the data on crime recorded by the Warsaw Police Headquarters. Changes in the dynamics, structure, and spatial distribution of crime in the years 1988 to 1992 are shown in accordance with the city’s basic administrative division into 17 districts.Territorial differentiation of crime in areas subordinated to the separate police stations (47) is shown in figures and maps of rates and changes in crime in 1992 as compared to 1991. Separated because of their specific nature are typical big city areas, neighborhoods of railway stations and the airport, as well as suburbs.             Changes in crime recorded in Warsaw in 1989‒1992 were relatively much greater than those found on the national scale. An exception here was the year 1990 when a similar growth in the proportion of recorded offences took place both in Warsaw and Poland – by 64% and 61% respectively as compared 1989. After a rapid growth of recorded crime staring in 1989, a downward trend began in 1991 at a pace that was higher in Warsaw than all over Poland.             In 1992, the crime rate (mean numbers of offences recorded yearly per  100 thousand of the population of a given area) in Warsaw was 2.3 times higher than the national average which was a drop as compared to 1990 and 1991 when the indices were 2.7 and 2.6 respectively.             Changes in the extent of crime in the separate districts of Warsaw in 1989‒1992 have been depicted by chain indices of dynamics. The values of those indices manifest considerable differences in the changes in crime between the separate districts, and occurrence of opposing trends in succeeding years. The districts that had the greatest growth in crime in 1990 (Mokotów, Ochota, Praga Południe, Żoliborz) showed the greatest drop next year (1991). A similar trend could be found in 1992 in the districts of Praga Północ and Śródmieście (an increase, relatively high as compared to the other districts, followed by the greatest decrease). These findings may evidence both “displacement” of real crime, and the impact of other factors related to the activities of the police and public prosecutor’s office (in the spheres of both crime prevention and control, and the methods of recording offences).             As shown by analysis of the rates and structure of crime in the separate disricts of Warsaw, the different areas of the city are much differentiated in this repect. In 1991 and 1992, differentiation of the rates crime was three times higher as compared to 1990.             The highest crime rates could be found in Śródmieście – 10265.1, and Praga Północ – 6145.5; this resulted, among other things, from concentration of economic life and a high mobility of the population in those districts which stay busy for twenty-four hours a day. The lowest mean crime rates were found in Mokotów (3664). The next stage of statistical analysis of crime recorded by the police in Warsaw consists in the presentation of the territorial differentiation of crime in the areas of operation of the separate police stations. Differentiation of the crime  rates was very high, ranging from 1,700 offences per 100 thousand of the population recorded at the 3rd station to 27,559 recorded at the 17th station (in Śródmieście district). At the  same time, as was the case with crime analysed by city districts, a reverse trend of the changes in rates and intensity of crime could be found. In some areas which, admittedly, had the relatively lowest crime rates in 1992, there was a relatively high growth in crime as compared to 1991. In Śródmieście  district, despite the drop in crime in 1992 as compared to 1991 (which was the highest at the 17th station ‒ by 31% and the lowest at the 26th station – by 8%) the crime rates per 100 thousand of the population proved among the highest. This may confirm the thesis as to “displacement” of crime. On the  other hand, it may also result from different relations between the extent of real crime and that of recorded offences. What speaks for these latter conclusions are the results of regression and correlation analysis which manifest a significant correlation between the rates of recorded crime in general and offences against property: thefts of private property and breaking and entering of private buildings where the “dark numer” is high. Therefore, the distribution of crime in Warsaw is determined by offences against property where evaluation of the numer of  undetected offences is particularly difficult. As follows from the police data, the clearance rate of crime in Warsaw was differentiated according to both type and site of the offence. The highest mean clearance rate was found in Ochota district (27.5%), and the lowest in Praga Północ (16.3%). The probability of successful detection was highest with respect to traffic offences (0.93) and lowest in cases of breaking and entering (0.05). Clearance rate was highly differentiated (57%) in the case of car burglaries. The relatively highest probability of detection was found in Wola district (0.16), the lowest ‒ in Żoliborz (0.033) and Śródmieście  (0.038). The probability of detection of offences against persons in Warsaw in 1992 was about 0.6 (e.g. 60%), and against property – several per cent. The differentiation of both the dynamics and structure of crime in the separate districts of Warsaw and in areas of the separate police stations within the districts again confirms the thesis as to existence of areas that are particularly threatened with crime – the crime-generating areas. On the other hand, this differentiation suggests a large and indefinite numer of unrevealed or unrecorded offences. The present analysis, part of a study on the state of safety in Warsaw  initiated by the Superintendent of Warsaw Police and the Major of Warsaw,  confirmed the need for improving the data gathering system, securing the continuity of data, and the use of computer data carriers.
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Międzynarodowe badania nad przemocą wobec kobiet (IVAWS). Reakcja policji na zgłoszenia przemocy w Polsce

100%
Gruszczyńska B.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2006
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issue XXVIII
185-192
EN
Violence against women, especially in the context of family violence, casts a question whether it is a social or  perhaps a family, private problem. The Police’s reaction to reported acts is currently a fundamental problem. Disregarded reports may cause further humiliating living under violence for wman, while a man becomes strengthened in his heartless and commanding role. In addition,, a conviction appears in victims that the police is ineffective, unreliable; hence it is better to keep the affair ‘within the four walls at home’. What i sit like in Poland? Do women often report the violence practiced by their partners? Ae they satisfied with the Police reaction? The results gained in IVAWS survey in Poland make the content of this paper.
3
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Przemoc wobec kobiet i reakcja policji w perspektywie międzynarodowej

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Gruszczyńska B.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2008
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issue XXIX-XXX
99-112
4
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Efektywność warunkowego przedterminowego zwolnienia (wstępne wyniki badań)

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Gruszczyńska B., Marczewski M.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1998
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issue XXIII-XXIV
213-225
EN
The article discusses preliminary findings of empirical research into effectiveness of the institution of parole. The project was carried out in 1996 within the Institute of Administration of Justice. The basic aims of the project included: a) appraisal of effectiveness of parole with respect to the entire examined population and to individual categories of convicted persons; b) analysis of conditions of effectiveness of parole. Used as the basic measure of effectiveness of parole was the index of relapse into crime, that is the fact of valid conviction for any offense after parole. The global index of relapse into crime in the examined population is the quotient of persons convicted again after parole to the total of examined persons. Analysis of effectiveness of parole based on data on further criminal records of convicted  persons (from their parole in 1991 till mid-1995), obtained in April 1996 from the Central Register of Condvicted Persons (CRS) of Ministry of Justice. Factors that determined the effectiveness of parole were identified on the grounds of information obtained from two sources: penitentiary files examined with a specially prepared questionnaire, and CRS data. The questionnaire consisted of five parts concerning: a) the convicted person’s basic socio-demographic data; b) information on his psycho-physical state; c) information on his serving of the term from which he was paroled; d) data on the sentence; e) particulars of the parole granted in 1991. The general population was made up of all convicted men paroled in 1991. Sampling was stratified and proportional. Division of the general population into strata based on two-dimensional demographic-criminological criteria, that is age and previous criminal record. Obtained were 5 subpopulations: young adults; young adult recidivists; first offenders; persons with previous convictions; and adult recidivists. Selected for the original sample were 10% of convicted persons from each of the strata except the young adult recidivists: because of the small size of that particular stratum (238 persons), sampling was dropped out here and the entire stratum was included in the sample. The total of 2,142 persons were sampled. Verification of the sample followed, data on the sampled person's being confronted with those from CRS and from the records of Central Prison Administration. As a result of verification, the sample was reduced to 1,635. Of the 1,635 questionnaires, 1,552 (93%) were returned, and 1,430 of them qualified for analysis. Thus ultimately the sample included l,430 convicted persons paroled in 1991. For each examined person, the follow-up period was 42 months (three years and a half) from the moment of parole. The findings lead to the following conclusions: After parole, 41.7% of the sample relapsed into crime. Among the examined socio-demographic traits, the following prove conducive to relapse into crime: age under 21 and lack of vocational training. Psychological factors such as self-destructive acts, personality disorders, and low IQ also condition relapse into crime. Relapse into crime was significantly more frequent among young adults, young adult recidivists, and recidivists. Also conducive to relapse are: participation in the prison subculture, disciplinary penalties, and failures to return on time from pass. The factor that hinders relapse into crime is employment during the term. Relapse into crime was significantly more frequent among persons guilty of offenses against property and against family. Relapse into crime depends on the length of term served before parole: it is most frequent among persons paroled after 2 to 3 years. Other factors that also influenced relapse into crime were: previous criminal record and a prison sentence under Art. 60 from which the person was paroled in 1991. The following factors proved of no significant influence on relapse into crime: level of education; number of dependent children aged under 18; length of the sentence from which the person was paroled; length of probation; and the fact of surveillance over the paroled person.
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Europejskie badanie przemocy uwarunkowanej płcią (GBV) – zagadnienia metodologiczne badań pilotażowych

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Gruszczyńska B., Więcek-Durańska A.
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
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2019
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issue 26
32-38
EN
Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.
PL
Badania na temat przemocy ze względu na płeć GBV (Gender-Based Violence) są ważnym narzędziem do oceny skali przestępczości, zwłaszcza zjawiska przemocy. Dotychczasowe badania międzynarodowe dotyczyły przede wszystkim przemocy wobec kobiet. Pierwsze z nich, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), stanowiło wyzwanie dla naukowców, organów ścigania i organizacji pozarządowych. Kolejne europejskie badanie przemocy wobec kobiet zostało przeprowadzone przez Agencję Praw Podstawowych (Fundamental Right Agency – FRA). Obecnie planowane jest przez Eurostat badanie GBV o szerszym zakresie, dotyczącym zarówno przemocy wobec kobiet, jak i mężczyzn. Jest to jednocześnie nowe wyzwanie metodologiczne. Projekt Eurostatu obejmuje różne rodzaje i formy przemocy, od przemocy domowej po przemoc w pracy, w sieci, mobbing itp. Pierwszym etapem był tzw. pretest oraz pilotaż realizowany w kilku państwach UE, w tym także w Polsce. Badanie podstawowe jest planowane na 2022 r. we wszystkich krajach Unii Europejskiej. Podstawowym narzędziem GBV jest kwestionariusz ankiety. Pytania obejmują m.in. intensywność różnych rodzajów i form przemocy wobec kobiet i mężczyzn. W interpretacji wyników, zwłaszcza w perspektywie międzynarodowej, należy zwrócić uwagę na różnice w postrzeganiu przemocy przez ofiary, a także w jej zgłaszaniu. Różnice dotyczą również przyczyn, form i konsekwencji przemocy. Jak właściwie ocenić rozbieżności w rozmiarach i uwarunkowaniu przemocy w ramach płci? W artykule przedstawiono zagadnienia metodologiczne i doświadczenia związane z realizacją badania pilotażowego.   Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.
6
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Nieprawomocne orzeczenia sądów w sprawach karnych w świetle starego i nowego kodeksu karnego

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Gruszczyńska B., Marczewski M.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2000
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issue XXV
179-192
7
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Orzeczone kary pozbawienia wolności a długość faktycznego pobytu w więzieniu (na przykładzie skazanych za przestępstwa z użyciem przemocy)

51%
Gruszczyńska B., Kulma R., Marczewski M., Siemaszko A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2000
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issue XXV
193-223
8
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Stalking w Polsce. Rozmiary-formy-skutki. Raport z badania nt. uporczywego nękania

45%
Siemaszko A., Woźniakowska-Fajst D., Gruszczyńska B., Marczewski M., Ostaszewski P.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2010
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issue XXXII
45-80
EN
The phenomenon of stalking had not been studied extensively and the real scale, its forms, and consequences had remained unknown. For this reason, in December 2009, the Minister of Justice requested the Institute of Justice to conduct a research concerning stalking. It was performed by TNS OBOP in December last year on a representative, random sample of households. Over 10 thousand respondents were questioned in computer assisted telephone interviews. This is ten times more than in typical public opinion polls which undoubtedly increases credibility of the results. Every tenth respondent (9,9%) appeared to have experience stalking. This is more than expected. It these results were to be extrapolated on the whole Polish population over 18 (and there are significant ground for such extrapolation as the sample was representative), it could be estimated that as much as 3 million of adult Poles have experienced stalking. In almost half of the cases, stalking happened repeatedly and 80% of victims experienced stalking within past five years. On the average, stalking lasted for less than a year, most often from a week to three months, but as much as 15% of victims were stalked for at least three years. Every fifth person declared they are still stalked at the moment. The most common methods of stalking were: spreading slander, lies and gossip (70% of responses), getting in touch with the aid of third parties (55%), threats or blackmail and “telephone persecution” (almost half of responses). Every third victim indicated also accosting or threatening family members, physical stalking (persistent following) and unwanted correspondence. It needs to be emphasised that stalking most often appeared in more than one form at a time (e.g. following – phone calls - getting in touch with the aid of third parties). As much as three quarters of victims regarded staling as serious, one third as very serious. These extremely high percentages prove that stalking is a considerable problem – almost a social one. This is confirmed by its effects declared by respondents. Almost 70% of victims experienced negative effects of stalking. More than a half reported psychological problems (depressed mood or depression, anxiety) every fourth physical ones (pains, aches, nausea, eating disorders). Because of these, 45% of the victims sought medical consultation which proves how serious the problems were. One third of the harmed declared financial or general consequences (cost of legal fees, need to change their lifestyle, change of telephone number, sometimes even change of residence). Although as expected most perpetrators were persons known by the victims (a current or ex-partner in every fourth case), a significant number of strangers needs to be reported (one quarter). Almost 40% of stalking victims asked for help, out of which only a half to prosecution organs – this is as little as 20%.
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