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EN
Five years after the end of the Cold War, a great debate erupted about the prospects of liberal democracy, and about the universal applicability of the Western patterns of the organisation of state and society. "Asia" and "the West" were widely perceived as antagonist entities in this debate. Sweeping generalisations abounded. "Western" individualism was pitted against "Asian" statism, corporatism, networks, "web societies", Confucianism, collectivism and author itarianism. With this discussion somewhere in the background, essentially three points of view emerged on the bilateral Asian-Western relations, and on the real location of the "East" in the international system: - In 1992, Francis Fukuyama announced "the end of history" presuming that we face the definite double victory of liberal democracy and of free market economy. - In 1993, on the contrary, Jean-Marie Guéhenno declared "the end of democracy". He pointed out global spread of "network" relations in the world economy and considered them "Asian" by their very nature. - In 1993 as well, Samuel Huntington launched his concept of the "clashes of civilisations", and in particular the conflict between Confucian and Islamic civilisations and the West. All these concepts are deeply rooted in the belief that the culture and politics are interdependent, and constitute the basic factors that determine the world system. Such theories put an emphasis on the principal differences between "civilisations", ignoring points of similarity between the situation of the West and of the East. This paper aims at broadening this perspective and indicates another approach essentially based on Wallerstein's world system theory.
EN
The question if a revolution is successful or not may be evaluated . from many standpoints: successful takeover of political superstructure, changes in the existing social and economic relations, effective interference in cultural and symbolical values of the nation or implementation of declared ideology.The Khmer Rouge revolution - one of the bloodiest in history - brought boundless sufferings in Cambodia. The Democratic Kampuchea was almost universally condemned on the international scene, but on the other hand, it gained a gloomy and sensational glory, because of colossal human, casualties, resulted from implementation of its concept of development. Statistically, it is very difficult to count the number of victims, especially that emotions are involved. The article contains an analysis of different calculations of the human casualties of the Cambodian tragedy. The author concludes that the most probable total number of victims can be estimated at 740,000. The number of two million indicated by several politicians and repeated by juornalists seems to be exaggerated.
EN
The paper draws attention to the phenomenon of consociationalism and to political accommodation in divided societies. The concept of “consociationalism” has been developed by Lijphart as a theory of political stability in plural societies. In his opinion democracy and social peace can be secured in deeply divided societies when their elite engage in accommodative actions and prevent centrifugal competition of the main groups. The socio-political feature of consociational democracy is a plural society, characterised by distinct and recognisable social segments; corresponding divisions between social, economic and political organisations and stability in the electoral support for “segmental parties”. As the proto-typical West European consociational democracies could serve the Netherlands, Belgium, Switzerland and Austria. After World War II the consociational model has also started to shape the political systems in several new-born multinational, multiracial or multireligious states of Asia and Africa. One of the countries, which tried to solve the internal confl icts through building the multinational political coalition based on the premises of consociationalism was Fiji. The organization of the Alliance Party strictly followed the set-up of the electoral system, which combined communal roles of the ethnic Fijians, the Indo-Fijians, and the “General Electors” with national constituencies that promoted voting across the ethnic boundaries. The system thus created, however, was far from stability. The coup of 1987 and the marginalization of the Fijian Alliance put an end to the peaceful co-existence of the ethnic Fijians and the Indo-Fijians. The paper outlines the historical sources of ethnic confl icts there and the mechanism of the collapse of the consociational political system on Fiji.
EN
The ethnic confl ict in Sri Lanka has been disputed in several possible ways. Political analysts as well as scholars have tried to analyze it from several perspectives. In the renewed attempts of a political solution, most proposals for Sri Lanka were focused on the federal model. It should be noted, however, that there is no single unifi ed model of federation that is applicable everywhere. The basic notion of federation, involving within a single political system the combination of shared rule for some purposes and self-rule for others, so that neither is subordinate to the other, has been applied in different ways to fi t different circumstances. This paper tries to cope with the specifi c circumstances of social, racial and ethnic divisions in the Sri Lankan society. It will be argued that the constitutional system inherited from the British is internally dysfunctional, and is, therefore, one of the main powers propelling the political confl ict in the state.
XX
Islam has been an important element legitimising the political power of Malay sultans since its arrival to the Malay Peninsula at the beginning of the 16th century. In late 18th and 19th century it became a crucial factor—alongside the institution of the monarchy and oral tradition (adat)—shaping and preserving the identity of the nation colonised by the Europeans. The 20th century brought the development of Islam conceived also as an ideology of radical dissidents—an ideology of contesting colonial society, racially alien immigrants from China and India, moral corruption prevailing in sultans’ courts and in government circles. The increasing openness of Malays to the world has contributed to a progressive breakdown of Islam into two hostile streams.
PL
Jak zauważa w swej klasycznej pracy poświęconej nacjonalizmom Anthony Smith, nowoczesny porządek światowy związany jest nierozłącznie z instytucją państwa narodowego. Jak jednak również wielokrotnie podkreślał, państwo narodowe nie zawsze i nie wszędzie stanowiło podstawowy byt polityczny. O ile według Gellnera era nacjonalizmów w Europie przypadła na wiek XIX, to wiek XX stanowił w historii Azji Wschodniej czas masowych narodzin narodów. System teoretycznie równych suwerennych państw, nazywany w niezbyt adekwatny sposób „systemem westfalskim”, kształtował się w Azji jednak znacznie dłużej. Zachodnie pojęcie suwerenności terytorialnej, traktującej państwo jako źródło autonomicznego prawa i przedmiot relacji z innymi suwerennymi państwami, przez wiele stuleci nie było tu wcale takie oczywiste. Oczywista dla nikogo nie wydawała się też zasada wewnętrznej suwerenności – która w lokalnych warunkach gubiła się w rozlicznych sieciach zależności feudalnych oraz złożonych relacjach patronażu i klientelizmu. Niniejszy tekst poświęcony jest zawiłościom procesów narodowotwórczych w Azji Wschodniej z perspektywy klasycznych (Zachodnich) teorii nacjonalizmu.
EN
As Anthony Smith notes in his classic work on nationalism, the modern world order is inseparable from the institution of the nation-state. However, as he repeatedly emphasized, the nation-state was not always and not everywhere a basic political entity. While according to Gellner, the era of nationalism in Europe has come in the 19th century, the 20th century in the history of East Asia was the time of mass process of emerging nations. Shaping of the system of theoretically equal sovereign states, described in not very adequate way as a „Westphalian system”, lasted in Asia much longer than in Europe. The Western concept of territorial sovereignty, considering the state as a source of autonomous law and the subject of relations with other sovereign states, for many centuries was not so obvious. The rule of internal sovereignty - which in local conditions was lost in various networks of feudal dependencies and complex relations of patronage and clientelism- seemed to be not obvious to anyone. This text is devoted to the complexities of nation-building process in East Asia from the perspective of classical (Western) theories of nationalism.
8
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THE CHINESE IN CAMBODIA

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EN
The paper covers the process of changes in the situation of Chinese immigrants in Cambodia. First, it describes the beginnings of the Chinese community in Cambodia, showing the early state policy towards the immigrants, then the changes connected with the abolition of the world slave trade in the 19th century as well as with the progress of colonization of Southeast Asia by European powers. It also presents the situation of the Chinese minority in the 20th century, after the end of colonial rule in Cambodia. Further, the paper examines the role of the Chinese immigration in the Cambodian economy and society, mentioning the evolution of trade relations between both countries. This part of the article also describes the change in colonial policy allowing Chinese women to immigrate and its influence on the expansion of the Chinese enclaves in Cambodia. Finally, the paper discusses the destruction of the Chinese minority during the expansion of the US-Vietnam war into Cambodia and its rise at the end of the 20th century.
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