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EN
The presented study analyses the use of the so-called memory policies in bilateral relations between Slovakia and Hungary after 1993. Its aim is to identify the main reference points from the past brought up by Slovakia’s foreign policy in promoting nation-state interests of the Slovak Republic. At the same time, the study strives to identify the extent to which this process has been a result of deliberate “memory policies” pursued by the state institutions of Slovakia and of Hungary. Furthermore, it attempts to explore the impact of the historical aspects of Slovak-Hungarian relations on major decisions of Slovakia’s foreign policy and to establish why, up until 2015, Slovak-Hungarian historical reconciliation has not been achieved.
EN
The article is focused on the development of the political philosophy of Milan Šimečka from the critic of the utopian elements in the official ideology of Communist regime to the formulation of the programm of the open society.
EN
The 1958 political and class reliability screenings took place against the backdrop of the renewal of repressive policy pursued by the CPC leadership. Their course in Slovakia, so far not explored in detail, is studied mainly in the context of building new executive elites loyal to the post-1948 political regime. Based on the research into the CPC archival documents, we can surmise that, in addition to cases of espionage in state bodies revealed in 1957, the screenings were prompted by general distrust of members of the pre-1948 middle classes and executive elites or their descendants. This distrust grew following the suppression of attempts to liberalise the communist regime in Czechoslovakia and political unrest in Poland and Hungary in 1956, seen by the CP leadership as part of conspiracy by the regimes enemies. One of the reasons behind the purges was an effort of the so-called new intelligentsia, i.e. new executive elites recruited from the workers and peasants backgrounds after 1948 despite not meeting the relevant qualification criteria, to restore their power positions, which had been shaken by the liberalisation of cadre policy in the mid-1950s. These were primarily concerned with the pre-1948 activities of those under scrutiny and their class origin. In Slovakia, added to the above issues was the employees’ relationship to so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism, the campaign against which was renewed in the autumn of 1956. The screenings were the last mass purge before the onset of ‘normalisation’ of 1969–1970; its impact on society was mitigated by the political liberalisation in Czechoslovakia after 1963.
EN
This article explores the current migration of the Slovak community members of Serbia to Slovakia, focusing on their perception of safety and risk, in the period since 1990 when the post-Communist transition began both in Serbia and Slovakia. The authors attempt to analyse how the members of the given community, who migrated to Slovakia during the reference period, perceive Slovakia today from the point of view of their safety, understood as the search for freedom from threats. They focus on individual safety factors (life, health, status, wealth and freedom). After 1990, Slovakia became not only a country left by migrants, but also a country of destination for migrants. One such migrant group is the members of Slovak communities abroad, in particular Serbia, Romania and Ukraine. The first wave of migration of Slovaks from Serbia took place in the early 1990s in connection with the violent ethnic conflicts in former Yugoslavia, and the next one as a result of the global financial crisis in 2008, which intensified after 2015. The main push factors of the migration of Vojvodina Slovaks to Slovakia in the 1990s included attempts to avoid mobilisation and participation in combat operations; after 2008, the key role was played primarily by material issues which they perceived as an existential threat to themselves and to their families. The main pull factor in favour of choosing Slovakia comprise of the relatively small administrative barriers and linguistic proximity. While our interlocutors regarded their concerns about the impacts of the 1990s war conflicts as short-term threats, they perceived the social impacts of the economic transition and uncontrolled global financial crisis after 2008 as long-term or even permanent threats. In this context, they consider Slovakia a safe country. The article is based on extensive multi-sited fieldwork – in-depth interviews with the members of the community – and on other available sources (legal documents, statistical data, media, etc.).
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