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1
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Tadeusz A. Kisielewski, Piłsudski, Dmowski i niepodległość. Osobno, ale razem, Poznań 2018, ss. 302

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Goclon J.
In Gremium. Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką
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2020
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vol. 14
259-272
2
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Proces tworzenia struktur państwowych na ziemiach II i III zaboru pruskiego przez polskie czynniki polityczne w latach 1806-1807

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Goclon J., Wrocławski U.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
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2005
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vol. 79
PL
Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych
EN
The years 1806-1807 were times of change in the history of the Polish nation. Military campaigns, that took place on the Polish ground were of much importance for the fortunes of Polish statehood. In 1806 Napoleon’s military forces entered central Europe and shortly afterwards destroyed the whole political establishment from 1795. Eleven years after the fall of the Commonwealth the issue of Polish independence known as "The Polish Question” remained very much alive. The Great Army was considerably weak and far away from the borders of France. Moreover, The Great Army needed to have newly occupied territories under its rule and to maintain Paris’ hegemony in these regions of Europe, and to strengthen it using Polish armed forces. The approval of the Polish society was one of the most important factor that was responsible for the negotiations concerning the rebirth of the Polish independent State. In the Polish social common consciousness there is an opinion that the rebirth of Polish statehood created by Napoleon in the shape of the Duchy of Warsaw was started on 22 July 1807. On that day the creation of a new state was proclaimed. Nevertheless, the date of the creation of the new slate is quite debatable. In June 1807 the founding stone of the nation was the creation of the structures of the Polish state. The breakthrough was in the autumn of 1806 when, during his victorious war campaign, Bonaparte defeated the Prussian Army, and on 27 October he entered Berlin. Then it was agreed upon that the rebirth of the Polish state was possible with the help of the powerful Napoleonic France. The pro-French attitude of Polish society was the result of its experience with the Russians’ and the Prussians’ solutions for "the Polish Question” that brought only disappointment. It is to be noted that in the contemporary history of Europe the changes made during the dictatorship rule of Napoleon were visible in a broader scope. The triumphal march of the invincible Great Army led by ‘the God of war’ in the region of Central and Eastern Europe was the fact that made Poles believe in regaining of Poland’s independence. Towering genius of Corsican conquered entirely Europe. People admired him and praised him as saviour of the patria and this opinion is undoubtedly true. It is worth highlighting the fact that with the fall of the Commonwealth the Polish administration was almost completely destroyed and after 12 years of state’s non-existence there was a beginning of reconstruction the Polish administration’s structure on the basis of the remnants of the Prussian administration. National institutions introduced in the period of the Governing Commission (brought into being by Napoleon on 14 January 1807 and functioning as the chief governing body and having executive rights) became one of the essential elements in creating the Duchy of Warsaw. There were some changes after the introduction of the constitution of the Duchy of Warsaw, whose purpose was to modify the structures that had been previously created in the years of the Commission (dissolved on 5 October 1807). Since then the state structure which had been created survived not only the times of the Duchy of Warsaw but also to some extent functioned till the years of the Polish Kingdom, namely between 1815-1831. The modification of ‘Poland invaded by the Prussian king’ (as the area under the power of the Commission was commonly called till July 1807) into the Duchy of Warsaw enabled Poles to maintain their national feeling with its own parliament, army, judiciary system, public administration, education and Polish as an official language throughout the life of two Polish generations.
3
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Marian Marek Drozdowski, „Józef Piłsudski. Naczelnik Państwa Polskiego 14 XI 1918-14 XII 1922”, Warszawa 2017, ss. 342

100%
Goclon J.
In Gremium. Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką
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2019
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vol. 13
289-299
4
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Rząd generała Władysława Sikorskiego (16 grudnia 1922 – 26 maja 1923). Geneza, skład i działalność

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Goclon J., Wrocławski U.
Przegląd Nauk Historycznych
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2013
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vol. 12
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issue 1
EN
The Government of general Sikorski was establish under very dramatical circumstances: after the murder of President Gabriel Narutowicz (Mr Ludwik Darowski has rejected the mission of construction of new government) the new Premier Minister was general Władysław Sikorski. In practice out of the Parliament government, what was created by the General, in short time lost the support of the Polish Parliament. It was active only six months and in consequence was unable to achieve any target described in the Premiere expose; first of all to rep air the state treasure, or the Policy for the natives minorities (in reality the cabinet did only the analyze concern the actual natives minorities status). In foreign activity it was not achieved a close connection with United Kingdom (even the cooperation with France was not so close as was expected by Polish government), or the relationships with Soviet Union and Czechoslovak Republic was not satisfied. The solid success of the government was (thanks full mainly by ministry of the treasure, Władysław Grabski) the action against the inflation of Polish currency. In the legislation domain the main achievement was the law to establish the State Tribunal. Also was started some acts and works over the changes in state administration and it was improved the works over the construction of new sea port in Gdynia.
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Polsko-radziecki traktat pokojowy zawarty w Rydze w 1921 r. (aspekty poHtyczno-narodowościowe)

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Goclon J., Wrocławski U.
Przegląd Nauk Historycznych
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2009
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vol. 8
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issue 1
EN
The peace treaty signed in capital of Latvia on 18 March 1921 between Poland and Soviet Russia ended an armed conflict taking place between 1919 and 1920. In the treaty both sides agreed to guarantee mutual rights regarding language, culture and religion for the Russian and Ukrainian minorities on the western side of the border as well as for the Polish minority on the eastern side of the border. Russia and Ukraine committed themselves to give back all Polish works of art, museum collections, libraries and archives acquired from the territories of the Republic of Poland after 1772. Moreover, Poland was supposed to receive a monetary compensation of 30 million roubles for its economic input into the Russian Empire during the times of the Partition of Poland and also to regain industrial and railway equipment 29 million roubles worth. Nonetheless, the Russians did not meet the great majority of these obligations. The state border established in Riga put Poland in the direct neighbourhood with Latvia in the north and Romania in the south, thus isolating Soviet Russia from Germany, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. These territorial changes made Poland a "cordon" country against Bolshevik Russia and increased its geopolitical importance in this part of Europe. The Treaty of Riga changed radically the political structure of Europe and significantly complemented the Treaty of Versailles. which would have remained a dead letter in its numerous decisions without ultimate settlements between Poland and Soviet Russia. But this does not change the fact that the Treaty of Riga divided the Belorussian and Ukrainian nations into two parts: one remaining under the Polish administration and the second - doomed to repressions and national degeneration in Bolshevik totalitarianism (including over one million Poles). Weakness of the Ukrainian (and especially Belorussian) national movement in no case should have been an excuse for Poland to abandon its allies. Despite the war triumph of the Polish army. the Treaty of Riga resolutions happened to be the Polish failure. The lands of the First Republic of Poland (between the Bug River and the border before 1772) were divided in a very unjust way. The majority of this territory remained under control of the defeated Bolshevik Russia whereas victorious Poland gained a significantly smaller area.
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WLADYSLAW GRABSKI'S GOVERNMENT (FROM 23RD OF JUNE TO 24TH OF JULY, 1920) (Rzad Wladyslawa Grabskiego (23 VI-24 VII 1920 r.), sklad, dzialalnosc i pozycja wobec Rady Obrony Panstwa)

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Goclon J.
Klio. Czasopismo poświęcone dziejom Polski i powszechnym
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2011
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issue 3(18)
75-111
EN
After establishing a new government with Prime Minister Wladyslaw Grabski, because of the fear from the Red Army coming closer to the border, one of the most signifying ideas was to create the Council for the Defence of the State, which could seize part of the Parliament duties and privileges. The Parliament bill, enacted rapidly, defined very wide authority of the Council, including passing regulations and ordinances, which ought to be fulfilled immediately. It was obligatory, that those ordinances, which needed to be fulfilled by Parliament, were to be approved during the next session. That means, the whole system of constituting the law by the Parliament was not restrained, but limited, because the Council got authority to make decisions and force governing bodies to act rapidly. The Council was not 'a government', but it enabled to coordinate all state functions with an economic activity and the headquarters' work. Not violating the basis of political system, it was possible to intervene on all fields of state duties. The fact is, that establishing the Council for the Defence of the State weakened the government, as well as the Prime Minister's position. But also his fatuous decision about going to Spa for the meeting with British Prime Minister, with humiliating proposition of conditions of a truce, if only Russian invasion would be stopped, had weakened the position of whole government. Despite the Council for the Defence of the State, government still worked, and after the 1st of July it made eight sessions. Nevertheless, international politics pursued by W. Grabski, especially the case of a Spa meeting, considerably weakened the position of whole government, criticized for the whole period of its shortly existence, and even fought by left-centre factions.
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