The article tries to describe the new situation of the Roman Empire in the West produced by Germanic invasions in the IV and V centuries. The main question is, how the Church in her synodical activity worked, when barbarians took the political power over and created new kingdoms. How the relations with Rome, from one side, and the relations with many different kings of small new countries, effected or changed the organizing of synods? The article is divided into eight sections: synodical practice in the early Church; historical and political background in the V and VI centuries; synods in Italy in the V and VI centuries (especially in Rome and in Ravenna); synods in Gallia in the V and VI centuries (especially in Arles, Orange, Orlean and so called royal synods); synods in Spain from the V till VI century (especially in Toledo); synods in Africa in the V and VI centuries (especially in Carthage); synods in Ireland and Britain from the V till the VIII century; and the last part summarizing the synods in the Western Roman Empire and the further progress of European countries and the synodical structures.
This article elaborates the term Logos in two fictitious letters of Candidus, which Marius Victorinus wrote to present Arian points of view concerning the Trinitarian debate in the middle of the 4th century. The article investigates these two short letters and their historical and theological sources to demonstrate Marius Victorinus’ knowledge and understanding of the Arian controversy and the mystery of the Triune God. Although he wrote these letters himself, this research seems to be a particularly important in the interpretation of Marius Victorinus’ theological views and arguments presented in his writings against the Arians, in which he undertakes the most difficult questions concerning the unbegotten and simultaneously begetting God.
This article deals with the question concerning God’s mercy according to the homilies of John Chrysostom on the Gospel according to Mathew and its role in Christian life. Mercy is God’s name. Chrysostom notices that God’s mercy is the only reason for the incarnation of God’s Son, because He accepted human life to save people from all kind of maladies and evils. Therefore mercy is the essence of Christian life. Chrysostom underlines that rewards for mercy given to people during earthly life cannot been compared with God’s mercy, because human mercy is involved with temporal maters and God’s mercy offers eternal salvation. God’s mercy is always connected with salvation. Therefore even human beings can obtain God’s mercy without any condition, but metanoia and forgiveness are required.Mercy is so important for real Christian life that Christians have to learn it throughout the entire life. God the Father and Jesus Christ are the best teachers of mercy. Mercy is the best measurement of humanity. Man without mercy is dead spiritually even if he is still living his earthly life. There is a penalty for a lack of mercy and the penalty is eternal punishment. Mercy can not be offered to others from the goods stolen or possessed in a dishonest way.
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Artykuł podejmuje problem Bożego miłosierdzia w ujęciu homilii św. Jana Chryzostoma na Ewangelię według św. Mateusza i św. Jana Chryzostoma na Ewangelię według św. Mateusza oraz jego rolę w życiu chrześcijańskim. Miłosierdzie jest imieniem Boga. Chryzostom uważa, że Boże miłosierdzie jest jedyną racją Wcielenia Syna Bożego, ponieważ przyjął On ludzkie życie, aby wybawić ludzi od wszelkich chorób i zła. Dlatego miłosierdzie stanowi istotę chrześcijańskiego życia. Chryzostom podkreśla, że nagród za miłosierdzie okazane ludziom w ciągu życia doczesnego nie można porównywać z Bożym miłosierdziem, ponieważ ludzkie miłosierdzie dokonuje się w sprawach doczesnych, a Boże miłosierdzie oferuje wieczne zbawienie. Boże miłosierdzie zawsze jest powiązane ze zbawieniem, które ludzie mogą otrzymać bez udziału człowieka i bez żadnych warunków; potrzebne jest natomiast tylko nawrócenie i przebaczenie.Miłosierdzie jest tak ważne dla autentycznego życia chrześcijańskiego, że chrześcijanie powinni uczyć się go udzielać przez całe życie. Bóg Ojciec i Jezus Chrystus są jego najlepszymi nauczycielami. Miłosierdzie jest miarą człowieczeństwa. Człowiek niemiłosierny jest duchowo martwy nawet jeśli jeszcze żyje życiem doczesnym. Kara za brak miłosierdzia jest wieczna. Nie jest autentycznym miłosierdziem obdarzanie innych nie swoimi lub nieuczciwie zdobytymi dobrami.
This article is divided into four sections. In the first, Fr. Arkadiusz Baron describes shortly the reception of Chrysostom’s writings in the ancient world in the East and in the West. It is surprising that the “Golden Mouth” and his homilies have triggered so many difficulties from the very beginning until the present. In the past, in the East, a growing conflict with the Severian of Gabbala and other bishops became the main obstacle to the reception of Chrysostom’s preaching. In 403, at the so-called council at the oak, Chrysostom was condemned and exiled. One of many false accusations charged him with being too merciful toward sinners who were recidivists. In the West, Anian of Celedo, Pelagius’ friend, translated Chrysostom’s homilies (especially on Matthew) into Latin. Pelagianism was condemned and Chrysostom was suspected to be semi-Pelagian. The oldest and most integral Latin version of Chrysostom’s homilies on record date back from the twelfth century. In the fifteenth century pope Nicholaus V asked for a new translation. Similarly in Poland, Chrysostom was not too lucky. In Polish, only about 15 per cent of his homilies are available. Among the translators are J. Wujek, A. Załęski and J. Krystyniacki from the eighteenth century, and T. Sinko, W. Kania, A. Baron and J. Iluk from the twentieth century. Some of them are historians and philologists, but not theologians. This is a problem of the existing Polish translations: we need a good theological, biblical and homiletical elaboration of Chrysostom’s homilies. Homilies on Matthew were preached in 390 in Antioch when Chrysostom was already well-known. Chrysostom’s homilies are the first and one of the best ancient commentaries to this Gospel. He is the only man who in the first millennium of Christianity explained the Acts of the Apostles, and he is the only one in Christianity to do this in the form of homilies. The centre of the Jesus’ Gospel according to Chrysostom is the person of Jesus. The prime purpose of Matthew’s Gospel is to reveal the unconditional love of God for each human being. Homilies on Matthew are completely apolitical. Chrysostom never even mentions governors or political situations. Similarly, he does not speak about ecclesiastical canons of councils of Antioch from the fourth century. He is only interested in how to explain the best way to all the listeners the Good News that Jesus has brought on earth. At the end, Fr. Baron gives some examples of Chrysostom’s exegesis: Mt 12: 33-37; 10: 32; 28: 1-3 and Homily on Matthew 85, 3-4.
In 2021 was published a unique monograph on the interpretation of the evocation of Ignatius of Antioch, “My Eros”, presenting research from the beginning of Christianity (the letters come from the beginning of the 2nd century) to our times. It is a book by Krzysztof Abucewicz entitled The Crucified “Eros” of Ignatius of Antioch (Katowice 2021, 676 pages). The book is unique due to the wide scope of research and the extremely high competency of its author. The extensive amount of the work put into the research is awe-inspiring. The aim of the article is to show the content and main qualities of the book and to critically analyze of the conclusions drawn by Krzysztof Abucewicz. This article tries to clarify answers to the question about the possibility of establishing unequivocal conclusions, which researchers of history, literature and theology come to, regarding the interpretation of the evocation of Ignatius of Antioch. In this sense, the article is polemical in nature, aimed at encouraging theologians to read the discussed monograph and use it in their own theological research.
The documents of the synod of Antioch from 341 contain four confessions of faith. They constitute a reaction to the accusations of Arianism among the bishops of the East by the synod in Rome in 340/341. These accusations arose as a result of the defense of Athanasius of Alexandria and Marcellus of Ancyra, who were deposed in the East allegedly for defending the creed of Nicaea from 325 against the Arian views spreading in the East. Meanwhile, the East struggled with various forms of monarchism. Accusations of Arianism against the bishops of the East constituted a misunderstanding between Rome and Antioch and caused a quick reaction from the bishops at the synod in Antioch in 341. The four formulas of faith of this synod initiated a series of creation of new confessions of faith in the following years and constitute a valuable contribution to the development in the mid-4th century of the truth of faith regarding the confession of One God in Three Persons.
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Dokumenty synodu w Antiochii z 341 roku zawierają cztery wyznania wiary. Są one reakcją na oskarżenia biskupów Wschodu o arianizm ze strony synodu w Rzymie w 340/341 roku. Zarzuty te powstały w rezultacie obrony Atanazego z Aleksandrii i Marcelego z Ancyry, złożonych na Wschodzie z urzędu rzekomo za obronę wyznania wiary z Nicei z 325 roku przeciwko ariańskim poglądom szerzącym się na Wschodzie. Tymczasem Wschód borykał się z różnymi formami monarchianizmu. Zarzuty wobec biskupów Wschodu o arianizm stanowiły nieporozumienie na linii Rzym–Antiochia i wywołały szybką reakcję biskupów na synodzie w Antiochii w 341 roku. Cztery formuły wiary tego synodu zapoczątkowały serię tworzenia nowych wyznań wiary w następnych latach i stanowią cenny wkład na drodze wypracowywania w połowie IV wieku prawdy wiary, że wyznajemy Jednego Boga w Trzech Osobach.