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„Boże Moce” w obronie narodu żydowskiego w świetle Ksiąg Machabejskich

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Baran G. M.
Studia Ełckie
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2013
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vol. 15
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issue 1
51-76
EN
Analyzing the content of both Books of Maccabees, one can notice that their authors firmly emphasized the question of supernatural help which God had been giving to the Jewish people, who were under the rule of the Seleucid Em-pire. It is particularly visible in the struggle undertaken in defense of the Law, the homeland, the temple and native customs. Although battles were often fought against enemies of considerable military advantage, the troops of fight-ing Jews were in the end – with God’s help – victorious. Moreover, the miracu-lous intervention of God was described by the author of 2Ma by means of su-pernatural revelations of mysterious characters in which God Himself revealed his own power as well as defended his people. Therefore, the Jews – being the witness of these events and keeping God’s interventions in the history of their own nation in mind – had no doubt that God Himself – showing his power – was fighting against their enemies. This conviction is clearly expressed in the following worlds of 1Ma 12:15: “(…) we have the support of Heaven to help us, thanks to which we have been delivered from our enemies, and they are the ones who have been brought low.” On the basis of the text of both books it can be seen that God’s help was usually a response to prayers full of faith, as it is stated in 2Ma 1:8: “we prayed to the Lord, and our prayer was heard.” The effi-cacy of the prayer and – consequently – the support given by God were essen-tially dependent upon the fidelity to the Law of those who prayed and fought.
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Odniesienia biblijne i ich rola w Bulli kanonizacyjnej św. Jadwigi Śląskiej

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2017
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vol. 8
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issue 1
91-124
PL
Oficjalnym dokumentem, na mocy którego św. Jadwiga Śląska została zaliczona przez Kościół katolicki do grona Świętych, jest Bulla wystawiona przez papieża Klemensa IV 26 marca 1267 r. Analizując treść tego dokumentu papieskiego, można zauważyć, że jest on na wskroś przeniknięty duchem biblijnym. Wyrazem tego są liczne odniesienia biblijne w postaci krótkich cytatów, parafraz tekstów Pisma Świętego, metafor biblijnych oraz przywołanych postaci biblijnych. Wszystkie te odniesienia biblijne posłużyły autorowi Bulli, aby przedstawić duchową sylwetkę św. Jadwigi oraz jej rolę jako Świętej, która oręduje w niebie za żyjącymi jeszcze na ziemi. W świetle Bulli św. Jadwiga jawi się jako kobieta, której życie było mocno oparte na fundamencie biblijnym.
EN
The Bulla issued by Clement IV on 26 March 1267 is the official document in which Saint Hedwig of Silesia was declared a Saint of the Catholic Church. An analysis of the papal document reveals that it is permeated with biblical spirit. This is manifested by numerous biblical references in the form of short citations, paraphrases of the excerpts from the Holy Scripture, biblical metaphors and mentions of biblical characters. The author of the Bulla used all those biblical references to outline the spiritual profile of Saint Hedwig and describe her role as a Saint who intercedes in Heavens for those who live on Earth. In the light of the Bulla, Saint Hedwig appears as a woman whose life was firmly grounded in the biblical foundations.
3
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W Hadesie Homera i Hezjoda. Śmierć i los człowieka po śmierci w wierzeniach ludów archaicznej kultury greckiej

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2010
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vol. 1
175-202
PL
The works of Homer and Hesiod, expressing people’s mentality of the archaic Greek culture, supply inter alia much information about people’s beliefs of that period concerning death and posthumous fate of humans. In the light analysis, one can notice that the people of that time period (being based on quotidian experience) had no doubts that humans were mortal beings. Although death inspired horror among the living the Greeks did not it amounted to total annihilation of man. They believed the spiritual part of human – ψυχή (psyché) survived mortal death leaving the body to go to the land of the dead. This place was known as Hades somewhere both far and deeply in relation to inhabited by people earth. The soul that exists in Hades, leads a generally gloomy and rather sad life. However, their posthumous fate, apart from few exceptions of the rebels against divine commandments – can’t be perceived as punishment, because in considered by people of today because people of that time had no concept of the Last Judgement and retribution after death.
4
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Mityczny Diomedes a biblijny Jakub. Motyw „walki człowieka z bóstwem” w kulturze helleńskiej oraz w tekstach biblijnych

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2011
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vol. 2
5-30
PL
Analysing the rich treasury of literary works from the different cultural areas one can point out that in these opuses there are sometimes various kinds of motifs, which are characterized by a certain similarity or contain in themselves some common elements. This phenomenon becomes all the more interesting when some motif, which shows parallelism, originates from two distinct cultures – in many cases independent of themselves. An example of this can be the motif of “a human being’s struggle with deity”, which occurs – inter alia – in the fifth book of Homer’s Iliad and in 32nd  chapter of Genesis. In the first case the man struggling with deity is Diomedes, who in battle with the Trojans wounded first Aphrodite then attacked Apollo and subsequently in direct struggle wounded Ares. In the biblical narrative there is a description of an all-night struggle with Jacob and a mysterious “someone”, which is identified either directly with God Himself or with a person of “angel of the Lord”. The analysis of Iliad’s and Genesis’s texts allows to notice that – in despite of similarities – presented motifs differ in details. It causes, that each of them possess their own specific differences. On the grounds of the presented study one can be postulated that essential quality, which distinguishes both descriptions containing the motif of “a human being’s struggle with deity”, is the spiritual nature given to Jacob’s struggle. It – on the contrary to Diomedes’s case – is expressed by the interior transformation of patriarch Jacob and by the obtainment of blessing from God at the end of the struggle. Therefore the description of Jacob’s struggle with God possesses a much more deep message.
5
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Ks. Marek Starowieyski. Tradycje biblijne. Biblia w kulturze europejskiej. Wprowadzenie: abp Gianfranco Ravasi. Kraków: Wydawnictwo „Petrus” 2011

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2011
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vol. 2
153-159
6
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Ideał przyjaźni w kulturze dawnego Izraela w świetle ksiąg dydaktycznych Starego Testamentu

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2012
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vol. 3
109-134
PL
Based on the analysis of an extensive spectrum of literary works - which undoubtedly are documents of human life of the time - one can notice that friendship interests people across various ages and cultures. The didactic books of the Old Testament, representing the culture of ancient Israel, are among these testimonies. Especially the Book of Sirach contains a lot of thoughts on friendship. An important message of the biblical teaching regarding friendship is that the proper friendly relationship can exist only between people who have achieved God’s wisdom by fearing and loving God and who live according to the Law. Hence, the friendship in the horizontal dimension in the society of Israel had a specific reference to God. This kind of friendship is an object of God’s pleasure: “There are three things my soul delights in, and which are delightful to God and to all people: concord between brothers, friendship between neighbours, and a wife and husband who live happily together” (Sir 25:1). As Sirach the Sage points out, the friendship is delightful to people who repeatedly value friendship more than the blood ties; “A man of many companions may come to ruin, but there is a friend who sticks closer than a brother” (Prov 18:24), wrote the author of the Book of Proverbs.
7
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Philip S. Johnston. Cienie Szeolu. Śmierć i zaświaty w biblijnej tradycji żydowskiej. Przeł. Paweł Sajdek. Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM 2010 ss. 339. ISBN: 978-83-7505-538-2

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2012
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vol. 3
157-164
8
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Czwarta Księga Machabejska tłem Mowy XV św. Grzegorza z Nazjanzu

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Baran G. M.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 67
41-70
EN
Based on a comparative analysis of 4Mac and Oratio XV, it can be noted that St. Gregory – when composing the speech in honor of the martyrs – used mostly apocryphal work depicting history of the martyrdom of Eleazar as well as of the seven brothers and their mother rather than the canonical 2Mac. This is evidenced by quite clear convergence of both works: their authors use the same vocabulary to characterize their heroes and describe the instruments of torture; they employ the same agonist-military metaphors; they include the motive of martyrs’ death as a sacrifice purifying the Jewish people etc. The fact that St. Gregory used 4Mac in composing Oratio XV can evidence quite high popularity and reputation that 4Mac enjoyed among Christians of Cappadocia in his time (i.e. in 4th century).
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Obraz Boga w Pierwszej Księdze Machabejskiej

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Baran G. M.
The Biblical Annals
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2014
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vol. 4
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issue 2
355-380
EN
The First Book of Maccabees – although belongs to the historical books of the Old Testament – also has an important theological value. The issue ofthe image of God, outlined in this article, is one out of the many theological themes presented in that work. This image – as it is clear from the analysis of the text of 1 Macc – was presented by the biblical author in the context of historical events which constituted, for the hagiographer, the space of God’s activity, through which God let Himself known. The featured image of God is undoubtedly an expression of faith of the hagiographer and of the community to which he belonged. This is evidenced by terms referring to God (Heaven, He, You etc.), which very strongly emphasize His transcendence. As it is clear from the analysis of texts, the biblical author explicitly referred to the entire theological tradition of the Old Testament and therefore presented God, who helped Israel in the whole history, also in Hellenistic times as punishing for unrighteousness, listening to prayers, supporting and saving His people from its enemies, as well as taking vengeance on them.
10
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Motyw choroby w homiliach św. Augustyna do Ewangelii i Pierwszego Listu Jana Apostoła

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Baran G. M.
Vox Patrum
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2009
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vol. 53
541-561
EN
In der reichen Sammlung der Werke des heiligen Augustinus befinden sich auch Schriften, die einen Charakter der biblischen Kommentare haben. Zu ihnen gehören auch unter anderem Homilien In Joannis Evangelium tractatus und In Joannis Epistolam ad Parthos tractatus. Der auf die biblischen Schriften zurück­greifende Bischoff von Hippo machte er nicht nur deren Exegese sondern auch trug er verschiedene Probleme unter anderem aus dem Bereich der dogmatischen und moralischen Theologie vor. In diesem Artikel wurde das Motiv der seelischen Krankheit des Menschen dargestellt, die der sich mit allegorischer Interpretationsweise von Heiliger Schrift bedienende heilige Augustinus in den erwähnten Homilien mithilfe der Begriffe, die sich auf Erscheinung der körperlichen Krankheit beziehen, beschrieb. Aus diesem Grund bezeichnete er den Stand der Seelenkrankheit unter anderem als „morbus”, „caecitas”, „aegritudo”, oder „vulnera”. Auf der Basis von Analyse der Texte der Lehre von Augustinus wurde ausgewiesen, dass die seelische Krankheit die weit verstandene Sünde ist. Bischoff von Hippo stellt fest, dass die Ursache der seelischen Krankheit vor allem Hochmut ist, und bezeichnet sie als „caput omnium morborum”. Die Ursache der seelischen Krankheit ist für heiligen Augustinus auch Mangel an Liebe, wahrgenommen als „radix omnium peccatorum”. Der Mensch, der von seelischer Krankheit also Sünde betroffen ist, kann sich selbst nicht heilen. Das kann nur Jesus Christus tun – Göttlicher Arzt. Wie heili­ger Augustinus feststellte, ist seitens des Menschen Mühe notwendig, damit die Krankheit geheilt werden könnte. Vor allem soll der Mensch anerkennen, dass er krank ist. Aus diesem Grund ist aüßerst wichtig voller Demut Geständnis der eigenen Sünden („confesio”). Es ist nötig, dass der Mensch mit tifer Glaube Jesus Christus annimmt, der einzig Heilung von der seelischen Krankheit vollbringen kann. Der Mensch bewirkt, dass seine Krankheit heilbar – sanabilis wird, indem er diese Bedingungen erfüllt.
11
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Chrystus lekarzem i lekarstwem z nieba w świetle homilii św. Augustyna do Ewangelii i Pierwszego Listu Jana Apostoła

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Baran G. M.
Vox Patrum
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2010
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vol. 55
43-62
EN
Bei der Analyse der in den Homilien des Heiligen Augustinus zum Evangelium und zum ersten Brief des Apostels Johannes enthaltenen Lehre (In Iohannis Evangelium tractatus und In Iohannis Epistolam ad Parthos tractatus) über seelische Krankeit des Menschen merken wir, dass der Verfasser der Homilien viel Aufmerksamkeit der Frage der seelischen Heilung des Menschen schenkt. In diesem Zusammenhang belehrt Bischoff von Hippo seine Leser, dass Mosegesetz außerstande war, dem von seelischer Krankheit oder von Sünde betroffenen Meschen die Heilung zu bringen. Derjenige, der die Heilung der Seelenkrankheit dem Meschen brachte, ist Jesus Christus, bezeichnet von Augustinus als ein Arzt (medicus) und ein Medikament (medicamentum, medicina de coelo veniens). Wie Augustinus belehrt, wurde die Heilung des Menschen von Seelenkrankheit dank der Fleischwerung Jesus Christus – Wort Gottes und Seinem erlösenden Leiden und Tod möglich. Der Raum der aktuellen Handlung von Jesus als Göttlicher Arzt sind demgegenüber Sakramente, dank denen der Mensch die Gnade der Befreiung von Sünden bekommen kann, das heißt die Heilung von Seelenkrankheit. Die Gesundheit in vollem Umfang, deren Quelle Jesus – „Göttlicher Arzt” und „Arznei aus Himmel” ist, erreicht der Mensch erst nach Auferstehung des Körpers am Ende der Zeiten. Sein irdisches Leben, in dem die Heilung der Seele durch die mit Glauben angenommenen Sakramente zu realisieren beginnt, ist demnach – wie es Augustinus bezeichnet – „heilige Sehnsucht” nach entgültigem Ziel. Die Fülle der Gesundheit wird sowohl Seelle als auch Körper betreffen.
12
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Wątki filozoficzne w Liście Arysteasza do Filokratesa

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Baran G. M.
Roczniki Kulturoznawcze
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2023
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vol. 14
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issue 4
49-79
EN
Analyzing the content of the Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates, one can notice that it contains many philosophical threads. First of all, the description of the Mosaic Law as “very philosophical” deserves particular attention. The author of the Letter showed that the Law is in no way inferior to the Greek philosophical tradition, because, like Greek philosophy, the Law gives the possibility of achieving virtue. Hence, a person who studies the Law, who knows its content, and is guided by its norms is a noble man who fully deserves to be called a philosopher. Studying the Law, being guided by it, therefore, means practicing philosophy. The proprium that resounds in the Letter is a constant reference to God of the Old Testament as the source of all good and a “norm” of its kind.
PL
Analizując treść Listu Arysteasza do Filokratesa, można zauważyć, że zawiera on wiele wątków filozoficznych. Przede wszystkim na uwagę zasługuje określenie Prawa Mojżeszowego jako „wysoce filozoficzne”. Autor Listu wykazał, że w niczym nie ustępuje ono greckiej tradycji filozoficznej, gdyż podobnie jak grecka filozofia, tak i Prawo daje możliwość osiągnięcia cnoty. Stąd zgłębiający Prawo, znający jego treść, kierujący się jego wskazaniami to człowiek szlachetny, który w pełni zasługuje na miano filozofa. Studiowanie Prawa, kierowanie się nim oznacza zatem uprawnianie filozofii. Proprium, które wybrzmiewa z Listu, to stałe odwoływanie się do Boga Starego Testamentu jako źródła wszelkiego dobra i swego rodzaju „normy”.   
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