The Article is an attempt to evaluate the experiences of Polish parliamentarism in the twentieth century. The author analyzes Polish constitutional regulations and parliamentary practice, with a particular focus on the solutions adopted in the years 1919–1935, as well the impact of these regulations on the evolution of Polish parliamentarism after the Second World War, also taking into account the current political experiences. The analysis leads the author to the conclusion, that the contemporary defects of the system of parliamentary government are to a large extent the result of the historical experiences of Polish parliamentarism.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę oceny doświadczeń polskiego parlamentaryzmu w dwudziestym wieku. Autor analizuje polskie regulacje konstytucyjne oraz praktykę parlamentarną, szczególnie koncentrując się na rozwiązaniach przyjętych w latach 1919–1935, a także wpływ tych regulacji na ewolucję polskiego parlamentaryzmu po II wojnie światowej, uwzględniając również aktualne doświadczenia ustrojowe. Analiza prowadzi autora do konkluzji, iż współczesne mankamenty systemu rządów parlamentarnych w znacznej mierze bazują na historycznych doświadczeniach polskiego parlamentaryzmu.
The article contains a critical analysis of chosen aspects of social participation in the process of preparing the government’s bills. Dialogue between the social partners and the government plays a special role in this process. On the one hand, that dialogue is an important element of so-called deliberated democracy. On the other hand, it contributes to rationalization of the legislative process. The social consultations are not regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2nd April 1997 but in the many of statutes. A catalogue of subjects who participate in the social consultations is very large and contains about 70 organisations, among others trade unions of workers, and employers. A special forum for contacts between the social partners in the process of preparing the government’s bills is the Trilateral Commission for Social and Economic Affairs. In the modern Polish legal order there is no compact model of social consultations, which precisely qualifies their functions in the law-making process. In the context of the principle of sovereignty of the nation and the principle of civil society it is extremely important to give the social consultations a real shape and to provide them a real influence on the legislative process as well.
The article concerns the conditions and procedures of the taking over the duties of the President of the Republic of Poland by the Marshal of the Sejm or by the Marshal of the Senate in two varianties according to the Article 131 of the Polish Constitution of 1997. First of them takes place if the President of the Republic is temporarily unable to discharge the duties of his office. The Constitution of 2nd April 1997 does not clearly determine the circumstances that warrant this situation but determines the procedure of the taking over the duties of the President of the Republic. In the event of the temporary inability to discharge the duties of the office the President of the Republic shall communicate this fact to the Marshal of the Sejm, who shall temporarily take over the duties of the President of the Republic or the Constitutional Court – on request of the Marshal of the Sejm – shall require him to temporarily perform the duties of the President of the Republic. The second variant takes place in the event of a vacancy in the office. Article 131 § 2 of the Polish Constitution determines the following situations where such a vacancy is deemed to occur: the death of the President of the Republic; the President’s resignation from office; judical declaration of the invalidity of the election to the Presidency or other reasons for not assuming office following the election; a declaration by the National Assembly of the President’s permanent incapacity to exercisehis duties due to the state of his health, adopted by a majority vote of at least two-thirds of the statutory number of members of the National Assembly; dismissal of the President of the Republic from office by a judgement of the Tribunal of State. In such circumstances the Marshal of the Sejm shall discharge the duties of the President until the next President will be elected. Furthermore the article presents the analysis of issue of the scope of constitutional responsibility of the Marshal of the Sejm or Marshal of the Senate who discharge the duties of the President ofthe Republic.
An important element of the parliamentary-cabinet system is the appointment of the Council of Ministers whose members and political program reflects the majority in parliament. The opinion presents the consequences of the President’s appointment of the Prime Minister and its government, which falls due to the failure of the Sejm to pass a vote of confidence. It analyzes the possibility (or not) of the President’s disagreement to take the oath of office from members of the Council of Ministers electedby the Sejm in accordance with Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution. The author’s considerations lead to the conclusion that the President of the Republic – guided by his constitutional duty to guarantee the continuity of state power and to uphold state security – should perform the act of swearing in the new government elected by the Sejm immediately after the Marshal of the Sejm passes the resolution on the election of the new Council of Ministers.
The article brings up the problem of the relationship between the constitutional principle of the common good and the activity of a territorial self-government in Poland. The first part contains some theoretical comments on the essence of the principle of the common good and on the relationship between the common good and the principle of subsidiarity. In the second part the author presents basic legal measures of the participation of the local community in the decision-making process. The third part contains some critical comments on the present relationship between the central authority and a local government. In the author’s opinion, some of the legislative initiatives of the lower chamber of the Parliament lead to the limitation of local governments independence and breach the principle of the common good.
PL
Artykuł porusza problem relacji pomiędzy konstytucyjną zasadą dobra wspólnego a funkcjonowaniem samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce. Część pierwsza zawiera teoretyczne rozważania na temat zasady istoty zasady dobra wspólnego oraz relacji pomiędzy dobrem wspólnym i zasadą pomocniczości. W części drugiej autor prezentuje podstawowe środki prawne służące partycypacji społeczności lokalnej w procesie decyzyjnym. Trzecia część zawiera krytyczne uwagi na temat aktualnych relacji pomiędzy władzą centralną i samorządem terytorialnym. W ocenie autora niektóre spośród inicjatyw legislacyjnych większości sejmowej prowadzą do ograniczenia samodzielności samorządu terytorialnego, naruszając zasadę dobra wspólnego.
Artykuł dotyczy problematyki relacji pomiędzy Sejmem i Senatem w procedurze wykonywania przez parlament funkcji ustawodawczej. Autor zwraca uwagę, że obowiązująca Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r. bardzo ogranicza wpływ Senatu na proces ustawodawczy, czym nawiązuje do polskiej tradycji ustrojowej. W ten sposób Konstytucja przyjmuje model dwuizbowości skrajnie asymetrycznej, mimo że obie izby parlamentu w polskim ustroju postrzegane są jako organ władzy ustawodawczej. Autor krytycznie ocenia obowiązujące regulacje z punktu widzenia aksjologii ustroju demokratycznego i postuluje wzmocnienie pozycji Senatu w realizowaniu funkcji ustawodawczej.
EN
The article deals with the issue of relations between the Sejm and the Senate in the procedure of exercising its legislative function by the parliament. The author points out that the current Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 greatly limits the influence of the Senate on the legislative process, which refers to the Polish systemic tradition. In this way, the Constitution adopts an extremely asymmetric bicameral model, despite the fact that both chambers of parliament in the Polish system are perceived as an organ of the legislative authority. The author critically assesses the regulations in force from the point of view of the axiology of the democratic system and postulates strengthening the Senate’s position in the implementation of the legislative function.
The article deals with the issue of the constitutional basis for the functioning of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law as set forth in Article 17 of the Basic Law. The author stresses the particular importance of bar associations functioning independently from political power, linking their constitutional attributes to the axiology of the democratic system. He infers the need to preserve the independence of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law from their systemic function as protectors of the freedoms and rights of individuals and as collaborators in the administration of justice. The key determinant of the place and role of bar associations in the system of law protection authorities is their constitutional status of public trust professions and the related function of protecting the public interest in the activities of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law. Further in the paper, the author focuses on the issue of ensuring the proper practice of the profession by the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law, e.g., through disciplinary liability mechanisms, which in essence are supposed to guarantee politically independent, reliable, and effective legal assistance is provided by attorneys-at-law to their clients. In the last part of the publication, the author points out the current threats to the constitutionally guaranteed independence of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law, seeing their sources in the consistent questioning of the rule of law standards by political authorities. According to the author, its manifestations include, inter alia, excessive interference by the Minister of Justice in the field of professional self-government of the attorneys-at-law and attempts by politicians of the ruling majority to question the constitutionality of the principle of mandatory membership in the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law, which is fundamental for the independent and effective functioning of this professional association.
The article deals with the issue of the constitutional basis for the functioning of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law as set forth in Article 17 of the Basic Law. The author stresses the particular importance of bar associations functioning independently from political power, linking their constitutional attributes to the axiology of the democratic system. He infers the need to preserve the independence of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law from their systemic function as protectors of the freedoms and rights of individuals and as collaborators in the administration of justice. The key determinant of the place and role of bar associations in the system of law protection authorities is their constitutional status of public trust professions and the related function of protecting the public interest in the activities of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law. Further in the paper, the author focuses on the issue of ensuring the proper practice of the profession by the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law, e.g., through disciplinary liability mechanisms, which in essence are supposed to guarantee politically independent, reliable, and effective legal assistance is provided by attorneys-at-law to their clients. In the last part of the publication, the author points out the current threats to the constitutionally guaranteed independence of the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law, seeing their sources in the consistent questioning of the rule of law standards by political authorities. According to the author, its manifestations include, inter alia, excessive interference by the Minister of Justice in the field of professional self-government of the attorneys-at-law and attempts by politicians of the ruling majority to question the constitutionality of the principle of mandatory membership in the National Bar of Attorneys-at-Law, which is fundamental for the independent and effective functioning of this professional association.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje problematykę konstytucyjnych podstaw funkcjonowania samorządu zawodowego radców prawnych, określonych w art. 17 ustawy zasadniczej. Autor podkreśla szczególną wagę funkcjonowania niezależnych od władzy politycznej samorządów prawniczych, łącząc ich konstytucyjne atrybuty z aksjologią ustroju demokratycznego. Potrzebę zachowania niezależnego samorządu radców prawnych wywodzi z ich ustrojowej funkcji protektorów wolności i praw jednostki oraz współpracowników wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Kluczowym determinantem miejsca i roli samorządów prawniczych w systemie organów ochrony prawa jest przypisany im konstytucyjnie status zawodów zaufania publicznego i powiązana z nim funkcja ochrony interesu publicznego w działalności samorządu radców prawnych. W dalszej części opracowania autor skupia się na kwestii realizowania przez samorząd radcowski pieczy nad należytym wykonywaniem zawodu, m.in. za pomocą mechanizmów odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej, która w istocie służyć ma gwarantowaniu niezależnej politycznie, rzetelnej, a przez to efektywnej pomocy prawnej, świadczonej przez radców prawnych wobec ich klientów. W ostatniej części publikacji autor wskazuje na aktualne zagrożenia dla konstytucyjnie gwarantowanej niezależności samorządu radców prawnych, ich źródeł upatrując w konsekwentnym kwestionowaniu przez władzę polityczną standardów praworządności. Do jej przejawów zalicza m.in. nadmierną ingerencję Ministra Sprawiedliwości w sferę funkcjonowania samorządu radcowskiego oraz próby kwestionowania przez polityków rządzącej większości zgodności z Konstytucją RP fundamentalnej dla niezależnego i efektywnego funkcjonowania samorządu radców prawnych zasady obowiązkowej przynależności do tego samorządu.
The article is devoted to the issue of the importance of the Constitutional Tribunal as a body that guarantees the supremacy of the Constitution in a political system based on the principle of a democratic state ruled by law. While reviewing the compliance of the law with the Constitution, the Tribunal is also a particularly important guarantor of the protection of freedoms and human rights, protecting citizens against arbitrary interference by ruling politicians in the sphere of individual freedom. The basic condition for the effective performance of the Tribunal’s functions is its independence from political authorities. Changes in the functioning of the Constitutional Tribunal, introduced after 2015, deprived the Tribunal of the ability to effectively perform the function of guardian of the Constitution and protector of freedoms and human rights. As a result, the current Tribunal is the antithesis of the constitutional court within the meaning of constitutional and international democratic standards. In the last part of the article, the authors present the basic assumptions of the bills prepared by legal experts of the Stefan Batory Foundation, aimed at restoring the proper functioning of the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland.
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