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1

Lapsele laulmise fenomen koduses kasvatuskultuuris

100%
Liimets A., Erimäe K.
Mäetagused
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2020
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vol. 76
63-94
EN
The central question of our research project was: what is the position and significance of the phenomenon of singing to children in the domestic culture of education in today’s Estonia? Before answering this question, we have to a) define education as a cultural phenomenon, and b) define singing to children and children’s song as cultural phenomena. These are the two aims of our theoretical study. In our empirical research we have additionally sought to find out: a) what can be concluded from the comparison of our data and those of ethnomusicologist Anu Vissel from the 1990–2000, from the perspective of culture of education, and b) whether the results of our empirical research can enrich theoretical treatments of education as a cultural phenomenon. The article has two parts. The first, “Culture of education – a sign of a communicative educational reality”, provides a theoretical analysis of education as a cultural phenomenon. It concludes that the building blocks of culture of education are mediated educational reality, cultural symbols, and rituals. The second major section of the article, “Singing to children in the domestic culture of education”, has two sub-sections. The first, “Singing to children and children’s song within culture”, defines singing to children and children’s song as phenomena, building on the work of international scholars and Estonian folklorists. The second subsection, “Singing to children in Estonian domestic culture of education in 2016 in comparison to the results of Anu Vissel’s research from 1990–2000”, presents the findings of our empirical research. The data was collected with the help of a written questionnaire, compiled on the basis of the questions used by Anu Vissel in her research and international studies. Differently from previous research, we placed a stronger emphasis on the reasons for choosing a specific repertoire. Our respondents were 190 parents of pre-school children from five kindergartens. The questionnaire that included 28 questions (both closed and open-ended) was created using Google Forms. Answers to the closed questions were analysed with the SPSS and Microsoft Excel software. Our quantitative methods of data analysis included frequency and correlation analysis. Responses to the open-ended questions were analysed using summative qualitative content analysis. In the case of questions concerning song choice content categories were created using the inductive method. The comparison of our results and those of Anu Vissel allows us to conclude that singing to children is, without a doubt, a cultural symbol that testifies to the existence of a relatively stable domestic culture of education in Estonia. It can be viewed as a phenomenon of consciousness in people’s subjective reality (attitudes and meanings attributed to singing) and as a specific activity in the domestic reality. This is manifested owing to the communicativeness of reality or interaction between the participants in the culture of education. That is, our study showed that a child and a parent mostly sing together, instead of one taking the role of the singer and the other that of the listener. Parents also perceive singing to children as a dialogic joint activity, even when it is not that in reality. On the level of consciousness, communicativeness is expressed owing to the singer’s connections to cultural memory and meanings therein. Intersubjective communication also entails the interpretation and creation of meanings characteristic of culture, and it is both synchronic and diachronic as people operate within a space of historically developed meanings. The connection to cultural memory can, for example, be seen in the choice of songs sung to children. Parents’ song choices are overall conservative and the repertoire has been relatively unchanged across decades and is derived from the singer’s own childhood. Most of the repertoire has been acquired through life without special study. The comparison of our and Anu Vissel’s results shows that the most popular lullabies and play songs have been the same in families both in 2016 and in the 1990s and early 2000s. The choice of a specific song is not in the song itself (its notes or lyrics) but the cultural context and its significance for the parents as singers. Over decades lullabies have been the predominant type of song. Singing lullabies could also be called a ritual within local culture of education as it has most of the characteristics of a ritual. Lullabies have had a stable function within the culture of education (lulling to sleep, calming) and only these songs could be viewed as global phenomena of the culture of education. Otherwise cultural symbols are linked to local educational traditions and values. Further research is needed to determine which environmental factors and modes of communication within domestic culture of education actualise which different aspects of cultural memory, and whether the potential creativity of parents today is dependent on the scope and meaning cultural memory has for them or whether these links can be established.
2

Miks kuulata muusikat ja vaikust?

100%
Liimets A., Koit M.
Mäetagused
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2018
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vol. 72
23-48
EN
The present article falls into two major parts. The title of the first part, “Listening to music as the creator of youth identity”, gives a partial answer to the question “Why listen to music?” One listens in order to create one’s identity. The empirical evidence presented in the first part, which explores the preferences of school youth in Estonia in relation to whether they listen to overly loud music and to music of various styles and whether they tolerate silence, refers to different ways of creating one’s identity, as well as to the mental health of our society. It appeared from our empirical research that listening to music features as number one in the lineup of daily activities of the school youth: it is valid both when they assess the time they dedicate to activities and when they are ranking their areas of interest. Many teenagers like to listen to music with volume turned up, and this has medical consequences. The physical consequence is that their hearing suffers damage. The mental consequence is that their relationship with one another and with the world suffers damage, which manifests itself in alienation, consumerism, and fusing in entertainment. All this is accompanied by fear of silence, which can be explained as a consequence of temporalizing or creating selfhood not from one’s own potentiality (Zeitigung). We can also say that fear of silence expresses the fear of one’s own vacuity and illusiveness. Teenagers claim that their “self” is either totally or partly formed by their musical preferences. As it appeared from the research, classical music encourages being silent and alert to silence and this is also valid for jazz and traditional music. Pop and dance music are not related to creating one’s own “self”, nor to being alert to it – these music styles allow only illusory feeling of affinity with oneself and with the world. While listening to rock music, one’s connectedness to oneself and to the world is ambivalent, comprising some features from both configurations named above. Talking about people who prefer pop and dance music, we can observe paradoxical connections between the person, the music they listen to, and the world around them. The more they seem to relate to the world by the omnipresence of the music and by listening to it, the less it actually is the case, because pop music that has been alienated from individuality as such is not capable of reaching the body of the one who listens to / hears it. It will not become a constituent of their personal space, even though they are convinced that the respective style of music is their true self. The listener of pop music does listen to it, but obviously does not hear it, because this style of music tends to overpower the type of person who lacks both the perception and the knowledge that they exist in this world. These three significant components in the process of listening to music – the listener, music, and the surrounding environment – are linked by illusory meanings and connections through pop and dance music. The answer to the question how this paradoxicality can altogether occur is found in the second part of this article and is first and foremost based on Martin Heidegger’s lingual-philosophical thinking. The paradoxicality of the development of human identity with music as intermediary is explainable with the paradoxicality of being-in-the-world. A person’s being-in-the-world is coincidently being-one’s-self (Selbstsein) and being-with (Mitsein). A person’s being is taking root and is accomplished within his language and via his language, and this is what elicits the lingual tuning of the world and the perception of the human being. Whether it is the aspiration for substance or the fear for it expressed in our lingual being depends on our own choice – whether we prefer silence or idle talk; whether we wear the fake dress of idle talk or transform the whole world into homeland, using the language filled with silences. Just like any other language, music with its embedded silences can support a person who is alert to silence on their journey into themselves. In case music as language is spoken too loudly, it can divert the person on their journey to themselves and they can get trapped in a network of unreal meanings void of content, which is rather difficult to escape from. Hence language as such unconditionally links the phenomena of loud talk, listening to overly loud music, being silent, silence, human being, and becoming-one’s self or journey towards oneself. The second part of this article reveals the content of the connections between the abovementioned phenomena and scrutinizes in a more detailed way the Dasein-language (die Sprache des Daseins) and Heidegger’s language of becoming-one’s self (die Sprache des Er-eignisses). Why listen to silence? As it transpired from the research, tolerance of silence and love for silence, as well as the urge to listen to overly loud music can be explained with the particularity of the process of a person’s becoming-one’s self or the journey towards oneself, one’s relation to language as such and one’s capacity to be receptive to the world and alert to the talk of silence. The capacity to listen to silence and understand the talk of silence teaches one to transcend one’s boundaries, to be one’s self so that one can comprehend being, and to reach the understanding of being as such. While Heidegger claimed that a human being is a way, we claim that a human being as such is a combination of many intertwined ways which are endlessly gyrating in their togetherness. It apparently depends on several factors of being-in-temporal-existence which of these ways will be dominating at any moment of a person’s life. This metaphor is also valid when analysing the school youth’s mode of listening to music as a phenomenon. People are not inclined to listen to just one style of music – even during one certain period of life they listen to various styles of music. Which of these styles will be affecting the person most relies apparently on how they position themselves in the wholeness of being as such – the liminal value of which is infinity. Openness and ampleness or narrowness and closeness of a human being’s identity also depend on the latter.
3

Käsitused kasvatusest eesti vanasõnades ja kasvatusteaduses

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Makoid B., Liimets A.
Mäetagused
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2021
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vol. 80
31-70
EN
In this article, we have set ourselves a goal to identify how the conceptions of education contained in Estonian proverbs coincide with the corresponding educational thought in Estonia. We have empirically studied 655 Estonian proverbs that directly refer to a child, growing up, upbringing and parents as well as the methods of education. In the empirical research, we look at whether and how it is possible to semantically categorize and define proverbs based on the educational meanings in their content. To have a clearer system for analysis, we created a comprehensive scheme of categories. The four main categories with subcategories formed during the work. As can be concluded from the analysis of proverbs, the everyday wisdom that lies in them mostly coincides with behaviouristic conceptions of education as interaction and development management. According to educational scientist Heino Liimets, the interaction becomes truly mutual, but only at the highest level of acceptance of the educator’s influence – internal acceptance or interiorization. At lower levels, i.e., only agreeing to or external identification of influence, this is an influence from the educator’s position of power where the educable is passive, subordinate, and obeys commands. This content is characterized by behaviouristic thinking in educational science and can also be observed in proverbs. Behaviouristic beliefs also address the need of the proverbs to take into account the peculiarity of a child in their upbringing, which mainly mean the timeliness of education, i.e., a person can be forced into something only in childhood and youth. Upbringing, education, and learning/teaching are considered practically as synonyms in proverbs and behaviouristic educational science, both being regarded as the management of development from outside a human being. The use of certain educational methods, upbringing, and teaching methods is considered an essential condition for the management of development, education, and teaching, especially in behaviouristic thinking in science. It is a central theme also in proverbs where punishment (incl. physical), ordering, forbidding, disapproving, and causing fear are at the forefront as methods, and praising and “sharing mercy” can be found only to a very limited extent. To speak about Estonian educational scientists, Peeter Põld dealt with the topic of punishment mainly in the first half of the 20th century and Maie Tuulik at the beginning of the 21st century; the latter, however, has completely relied on the ideas of Põld. J. Käis emphasises that the culture, language, and customs of one’s nation are obtained by means of education. Education creates identity and helps socialize. Thus, education occurs as a valuation. The fact that education mediates and reproduces the values and norms valid in society is also clearly evident in Estonian proverbs. In the opinion of Maie Tuulik, modern diversity and ambivalence of values do not allow one clear hierarchy of values to be offered to a child to grow up. According to Põld, the bearer of values should primarily be someone authoritative as an example of education, although Põld himself also sees shortcomings of education based on authority. It levels individuality, promotes passivity and creates conventional values; it does not develop a sense of criticism. The relationships built on authority determine the higher and lower status of someone and, accordingly, the users of and subordinates to the power. Such relationships between parents and children as well as in education appear also in proverbs, which is expected because the world of proverbs expresses the structure of a peasant family characteristic of feudal Estonia. Due to their age, children had a low social status in the family at that time. Social status also depended on the gender. In peasant society, man was the head and provider for the family. Sons had an advantage over daughters: they were given more education and they stayed at the farm. Põld has also associated authority primarily with the father. Thus, education had to reproduce the stereotypically traditional division of roles in a family, which was characteristic of the patriarchal society. The worldview was value-based and normative and divided according to the principle of black and white, containing firm truths about who is a good and who is a bad child. A child who agreed to the upbringing of his/her parents and who respected the parents was considered good. According to Tuulik, such firm beliefs that value the hierarchical nature of relationships should be based on also today. Thus, everyday wisdom and corresponding everyday conscious world found in proverbs is present and reflected in Estonian educational science, especially in the ideas and works of two authors. These are Peeter Põld and Maie Tuulik, who represent a normative Christian-conservative view of upbringing and education, which in science is primarily related to the behaviouristic way of thinking, in which the educable is regarded as a passive object in a relationship of education based on power and authority. Thematically, of course, proverbs are also associated with the thoughts and works of other Estonian educational scientists – in particular, J. Käis, H. Liimets, A. Liimets, J. Orn, and I. Kraav, but in substantive emphasis these scientists represent a cognitive-constructivist, humanistic and hermeneutic-phenomenological way of thinking.
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