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1

MAĎARSKÁ MENŠINA V PROCESE TRANSFORMÁCIE PO ROKU 1989: TYPOLÓGIA PRECHODU OD PARTIKULÁRNEHO K OBČIANSKEMU

100%
Poláčková Z.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2015
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vol. 8
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issue 2
22 – 40
EN
The main object of analysis in the presented study is the process of self-identification of both the Slovak majority nation and the Hungarian minority nation within the newly established Slovak Republic. The issue of identity is examined in the context of the transition process after 1989 with an emphasis on its historical bearings. The author focuses on the typology of fundamental milestones which, within the self-identification process, have effected a gradual change in the behaviour and activities and moves made by its main political actors. The author has been particularly interested in their views on the nature of their coexistence – on the transition from the particular, i.e., ethnic attitudes towards the civil perception of social and political reality. The research framework is constituted by the concept of „Geschichtsbewältigung“, or dealing with the past. Following a 25-year lapse from these revolutionary events, social sciences still continue to strive for their objective interpretation. The author has attempted to capture the complex process of transformation of society and its impact on international politics and bilateral relations within the said concept of dealing with the past. In this sense, the argument seeks to reflect on the fact that, over the course of the twentieth century, the nature of the research problem had gradually evolved according to the scientific discourse spanning various scientific and political circles or points of view and, above all, in accordance with the increasing depth of knowledge and elaboration of the substance of the matter at hand.
2

MONTENEGRO’S GULF OF KOTOR AS A HISTORICAL BORDER REGION: POLITICAL RIVALRY, CULTURAL COMPETITION, AND LOCAL CO-EXISTENCE IN A LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVE

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 1
21 – 42
EN
This essay argues that Boka Kotorska, Montenegro’s Gulf of Kotor region, can be conceptualised as a political, cultural, and religious border region where ‘East’ and ‘West’, the Orthodox and Catholic worlds, encountered each other and overlapped over a long period of time. There were various political and economic actors involved in this historical process of rivalry and co-existence, including Byzantium, Venice, Serbia, the Ottoman Empire, and Montenegro and its predecessors Duklja and Zeta. The Gulf of Kotor became a region where a large number of Catholic and Italian-influenced settlements sprung up, although the Orthodox population appears to have constituted a majority of the population even in Venetian and Austrian-controlled territory between the Late Middle Ages and the early twentieth century. Patterns of co-existence in the town of Kotor and elsewhere did not prevent the emergence of religious and political conflict on many occasions. But these contradictory aspects of rivalry and co-existence balanced each other during most of the long period that the Gulf of Kotor region had a certain political, economic, and cultural importance. This may contribute to our understanding of the dynamics of larger and smaller European border regions and of European history as a whole. In a micro-region like Boka Kotorska destructive confrontation and constructive interpenetration can be observed as a long-term process.
3

MONTENEGRO OLD AND NEW: HISTORY, POLITICS, CULTURE, AND THE PEOPLE

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2013
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vol. 6
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issue 1
60 – 82
EN
The authors are focusing on how Montenegro today is coming to terms with the task of becoming a modern European nation, which implies recognition not only of democracy, the rule of law, and so forth, but also of a degree of ‘multiculturalism’, that is recognition of the existence of cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities in a society that is dominated by a Slavic Orthodox majority. In his context they are analyzing the history of the struggle of the Montenegrin people against a host of foreign invaders – after they had ceased to be invaders themselves – and especially their apparently consistent refusal to accept Ottoman sovereignty over their homeland seemed to make them the most remarkable freedom fighters imaginable and led to the creation of a special Montenegrin image in Europe. This image of heroic stubbornness and unique martial bravery was even consciously cultivated in Western and Central Europe from the early nineteenth century onwards, as the Greeks, the Serbs, the Montenegrins and other Balkan peoples began to resist the Ottoman Empire in a more effective way and the force of Romantic nationalism began to influence the whole of Europe, from German historians to British politicians, and also including Montenegrin and Serbian poets themselves. The authors of this essay carried out an improvised piece of investigation into current conditions, attitudes, and feelings on both the Albanian and the Slavic-Montenegrin side.
4

BEWILDERMENT OF A SCOTTISH HISTORIAN: R.W. SETON-WATSON AND THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY IN SLOVAKIA, 1918 – 1923

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 1
69 – 80
EN
Among the handful of early-twentieth century Western analysts of Eastern European problems, the Scottish contemporary historian R.W. Seton-Watson was by no means the least important. His work “Racial Problems in Hungary“ from 1908 was a remarkable attempt to analyse the historical evolution of the Slovak-Magyar (ethnic Hungarian) relationship and the contemporary realities of multinational Hungary, in which the non-Magyar nationalities were subjected to a relentless policy of Magyarisation and national oppression. During the First World War Seton-Watson exerted his influence in Britain to help the revolutionary Czecho-Slovak leadership to proclaim a Czecho-Slovak state after the defeat of the Central Powers. At the end of 1918 this state was founded, but a serious problem emerging at the outset was the presence of large German and Magyar minorities in its territory. In the Slovak part of the new state the Magyar minority made up some twenty percent of the population, and the question was what kind of policies the Czechoslovak government was going to implement with regard to the Hungarians and the promises of cultural autonomy. This also included social issues, in particular the question of land reform of which both Slovak and Magyar peasants should benefit. In 1923 Seton-Watson made his first visit to Slovakia after the War and the successful national revolution of 1918, visiting several locations in the country and presenting his findings in “The New Slovakia“, published the following year. It is evident that Seton-Watson found it difficult to evaluate the new situation in a straigthforward or consistent way. He sympathised with the new Czechoslovak state, but he also expressed some criticism with regard to certain Czechoslovak or Slovak policies on the Magyar minority. It would seem that the complexity of Seton-Watson´s views can be seen as an example of the bewilderment of Western commentators when it comes to trying to understand the complexities and dilemmas involved in the national problems of Central and Eastern Europe.
5

SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY IN SLOVAKIA 1918 – 1921

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2015
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vol. 8
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issue 1
5 – 15
EN
The paper addresses the origins of the ‘Hungarian minority question’ in Slovakia, which emerged after the national revolutions in Central Europe in 1918-19 and which is still a hot issue today. Special attention is paid to the milieu of the multi-ethnic (Hungarian, Slovak, and German) social democratic movements and to the question of how the different ethnic elements of this movement tried to come to terms with the new political challenges posed by the radical change in inter-ethnic power structure in Slovakia. The Hungarian social democrats were among the first to come forward with ‘new’ ideas, now understanding the need for them in their new situation.
6

INDEPENDENCE LOST AND REGAINED: MONTENEGRO’S CONTESTED IDENTITY AND THE FAILURE OF YUGOSLAVIA (1918-2006)

63%
Poláčková Z., Van Duin P. C.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2017
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vol. 10
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issue 1
23 – 47
EN
This article examines the political evolution of Montenegro during the era of Yugoslavia (1918-1992) and the subsequent years of political conflict that eventually led to the regaining of Montenegrin independence in 2006. The First World War and the formation of the Yugoslav state not only meant the end of independent Montenegro but also the emergence of a new political context in which internal Montenegrin antagonisms were played out. While a considerable proportion of Montenegrin Orthodox Slavs supported the multinational but Serb-dominated Yugoslav state, there was also a growing number of Montenegrins who wanted to restore the country’s autonomous or even independent status. This was implemented to some degree in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but then was endangered again during the crisis of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition there was growing unrest among the Muslim minorities and civil protests against Montenegro’s participation on the side of the Serbs in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The final result was a stronger anti-Serbian stance not only among a part of the general population but also among a significant section of the old political elite. This eventually led to Montenegro regaining independence through a referendum in 2006. However, achieving independence meant that Montenegro’s other serious problems, including corruption, uneven economic development and deficient democratisation, came even more emphatically to the fore.
7

PORTUGAL AND SLOVAKIA IN EUROPEAN COMPARISON: SOME HISTORICAL, POLITICAL AND MULTICULTURAL OBSERVATIONS

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2009
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vol. 2
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issue 2
58 – 70
EN
This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of Portugal and Slovakia as European nations from a modern historical, contemporary political and multicultural perspective. It is hoped that in this way not only the differences but also certain similarities between the two countries can be elucidated. The historical perspective shows that there are parallels between Portugal and Slovakia in various ways, e.g. with regard to the strong position of the Catholic Church and the problems in introducing earlier programmes of social, cultural and political modernisation. The political analysis of developments in the twentieth century shows that in both nations it was rather difficult to carry through policies of democratic political reform, as Portugal fell prey to a right-wing authoritarian regime with fascist overtones and Slovakia first experienced a similar form of ‘clerical fascism’ and then had to undergo the yoke of communist totalitarianism. As a result both countries are still suffering from a legacy of ‘democratic deficit’, although Slovakia probably more than Portugal. Not the least interesting aspect of the social, cultural and political profile of present-day Portugal and Slovakia is the issue of multicultural problems and population structure. In both countries this is a notable feature of the contemporary scene. In Portugal the issue is mainly the result of mass immigration from the country’s former colonies; in Slovakia it is rather a question of long-standing problems such as the status of the Hungarian minority and the social integration of the substantial Roma population. A comparison of both variants of the multicultural problematic is an interesting and challenging task for contemporary historians and social and political scientists.
8

PORTUGAL, SLOVAKIA, AND THE POLITICAL COUNTER-REFORMATION OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY (1910-1939)

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van P. C.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2017
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vol. 10
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issue 2
23 – 47
EN
This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of the political dynamics of Portugal and Slovakia in the first half of the twentieth century (1910-1939) in terms of the significance of conservative political Catholicism. The two countries belonged to a group of nations in Europe in which there was a strong reaction to political liberalism, progressive republicanism, cultural secularism, and socialism. This antagonism can arguably be seen as a modern continuation of the historic conflict between the Protestant and humanist Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Its twentieth-century manifestation was of course somewhat different from the original sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conflict. After the eighteenth century the historic force of anti-Catholic Reformation was mainly expressed in the form of intellectual Enlightenment, anti-clericalism, and social and cultural progressivism. But it would seem that in many ways the dynamics and aggressive energy of this great cultural confrontation was continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although in a modified ideological and political shape. The years between 1910 and 1940 were the period when the conflict between political progressivism and Catholic conservatism reached its culmination. In Portugal the forces of cultural secularism and liberal republicanism were defeated by the new authoritarian regime led by Salazar. In Slovakia the foundation and then the end of the First Czechoslovak Republic brought the rise and then the victory of the Catholic opposition movement, the Slovak People’s Party of Andrej Hlinka and Jozef Tiso. The authors of this essay would argue that a comparison of Portugal and Slovakia is useful in trying to understand the significance of the political force of conservative and anti-liberal Catholicism. From a Slovak point of view, looking at Portugal seems helpful in coming to terms with this European and Slovak phenomenon.
9

BIG BANG OF COMMUNISM: THE BOLSHEVIKS’ DESTRUCTION OF THE RUSSIAN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE MAKING OF THE FIRST COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP (NOVEMBER 1917-JANUARY 1918)

63%
Van Duin P. C., Poláčková Z.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2019
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vol. 12
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issue 2
57 – 75
EN
This essay examines the suppression by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 of Russia’s first democratically elected parliament, the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, and the various steps taken and arguments used by them during the preceding weeks to achieve this goal. Although Lenin and his Bolshevik party had never intended to tolerate the emergence of the Constituent Assembly as a competing political institution to their so-called Soviet democracy, they had to take care to present their repressive intervention as a rational and inevitable act from a revolutionary point of view. This crucial historical episode reveals the true character of the communist movement and communist ideology, which developed into one of the most dangerous threats to European democracy. There were several socialist parties in Russia who tried to fight the Bolsheviks and to present a democratic-socialist alternative, in particular the moderate (‘Right’) wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. The last section of this essay pays some additional attention to Viktor Chernov, a leader of the democratic group of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the President of the Constituent Assembly. In 1921 he fled to Czechoslovakia, where he lived until 1929.
10

AUTHORITARIANISM IN CRISIS: PORTUGAL, CZECHOSLOVAKIA, AND ‘1968’

63%
Poláčková Z., Van Duin P. C.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2019
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vol. 67
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issue 1
127 - 155
EN
This article makes a comparative analysis of political developments in Portugal and Czechoslovakia during the 1960s and early 1970s, focusing on the historic year ‘1968’ and its preconditions. The two countries experienced authoritarian regimes that went through a crisis of both a systemic and a moral kind, reaching a climax in 1968. In Czechoslovakia the liberalization policy of Alexander Dubček and his reform-communist coalition triggered spontaneous political and cultural activities among the population, which became a threat to the system of one-party rule. The Warsaw Pact invasion in August 1968 put an end to this experiment and the illusion of reform communism. The analysis of the causes, contradictions, and failure of liberalization remains a challenging subject for contemporary historians. Comparing the Czechoslovak experience with the evolution of the right-wing dictatorship in Portugal during the same period, may help to deepen our understanding of the nature and limits of authoritarianism in Europe. In Portugal the protracted regime of António Salazar came to an end in the same year 1968 after a series of manifestations of political crisis in the 1960s had shown its weaknesses and the inevitability of reform. However, his successor Marcelo Caetano maintained the regime’s authoritarian core and only carried out some cosmetic changes to keep Portugal with its colonies afloat. The Portuguese had to wait until 1974 for the regime to collapse, a short period of time, however, compared with the twenty-one more years that the Czechs and Slovaks had to wait. The extent of political space for opposition activity and the nature of elite disunity are among the critical questions examined in this article, which makes a comparison of Portugal and Czechoslovakia a challenging endeavour.
11

‘ANTI-ZIONISM’ AND THE FIGHT AGAINST ANTI-SEMITISM IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA, 1967–1969

63%
Poláčková Z., Duin van C. P.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2020
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vol. 68
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issue 5
861 – 887
EN
This article analyses the phenomenon of ‘anti-Zionism’ and anti-Semitism in Czechoslovakia during the remarkable years 1967–1969. The reactions to the Arab-Israeli War of June 1967, the political liberalisation during the Prague Spring of 1968, and the period of ‘normalisation’ after the Soviet invasion in August 1968 were the main determinants shaping its development. Anti-Israeli rhetoric and ‘anti-Zionism’ were political instruments manipulated by the communist regimes of Czechoslovakia, Poland, and the Soviet Union and had various functions. They expressed frustration about the defeat of the Arab client states of the Eastern Bloc and about the fact that many East European citizens disagreed with their governments’ one-sided anti-Israeli policy. The ‘anti-Zionist’ campaign also had to discredit oppositional and reform-minded political forces by associating them with Israel and the Jews. Indeed, this campaign could only work if at least a part of the population proved susceptible to the reactivating of anti-Semitic prejudices and sentiments, which had a long history in many parts of Eastern Europe. However, another section of the population, especially in Czechoslovakia, decided to fight against the anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist propaganda. This added a, perhaps underrated, dimension to the events in Czechoslovakia – and to some extent, Poland – during the period 1967–1969. An analysis of these political developments increases our understanding of the nature of anti-Semitism and ‘anti-Zionism’, but also of the character and evolution of the communist regimes as well as of their critics.
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