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EN
This article aims to investigate the validity of criticism of what is known as psychologist-transmission communication  theory. It is accepted that theories which support the idea that communication is a process of conveying  (transmitting) psychological content of the mental states between participants (e.g. theories of Jakobson, Hovland, Newcomb et al.) are examples of the approach. There are doubts about such views, which arise from the assumptions of anti-psychologism and anti-mentalism (such as Frege, Husserl), as well as the rejection of traditional notions of subjectivity in philosophy after the linguistic turn. In order to justify the criticism the position of the “late” Wittgenstein is invoked, according to which communication activities (as well as thinking, understanding etc.) need not be considered as correlated to mental acts.
2
100%
Filo-Sofija
|
2012
|
vol. 12
|
issue 3(18)
91-102
EN
The aim of this article is to describe the meaning of the concept of communication from the perspective of the socio-regulative theory of culture by Jerzy Kmita (as well as from the perspective of the Poznan School of Methodology in general). Many contemporary theories of human communication tend to avoid the social and cultural context of communication acts, which may be called a naturalistic approach to communication. This tendency is discussed in the paper. The socio-regulative theory of culture describes communication as one of the most important parts of symbolic culture and as a cultural act. This act of communication is characterized as rational and intentional and it connects the actors through the interpretation process. In conclusion, there is provided a sketch of theoretical background which opens the possibility to apply Kmita’s theory of culture to the theory of communication.
EN
This article aims to trace the transformation, which the term “humanities” (“human sciences”) was subject to from the early modern era to modern times. Its scope is limited to an indication of some of the key turning points in the history of understanding of the humanities by the humanists themselves, and to an identification of key categories that define the humanities (they include: paideia, studia humanitatis, république des lettres, and Bildung). The arguments contained herein are to serve rather as a voice, a contribution to the debate over the “crisis of the humanities”, which has been conducted more and more intensively for at least several decades.
EN
The main difference between classical (both ancient and medieval) and modern concepts of natural law lies in the assumption of its supernatural (divine) foundation. Early modern philosophical concepts tend to undermine and gradually to deny God or some other metaphysical entity as the source of natural law. Some contemporary scholars (e.g. Habermas, Bobbio) define this process as transition (modernization, rationalization, Positivisierung) of traditional natural law towards the idea of natural rights and human rights. We can distinguish at least three main schools of natural law during the 17th and 18th centuries, each one more radical than the others: de Groot dares to consider the natural law “as if there were no God”. The philosophers of early Enlightenment (e.g. Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Voltaire) were perhaps more daring, nevertheless they were all deists and the “Supreme Being” still validates natural law in their writings. The article aims to examine the most radical view on natural law, i.e. partly forgotten and underestimated ideas of French materialists: La Mettrie, Diderot, Holbach, Mably, and Condorcet. For they were all thinkers of the radical Enlightenment (J. Israel), all of them were materialists and atheists, and they perceived the nature and natural law as completely separated from God or other supernatural being. Unlike their older colleagues, these radical philosophers demanded equality (for women and ethnical minorities as well), emancipation, and social justice for all classes. This papers describes the idea of natural law within the radical Enlightenment movement, and investigates some political consequences of this interpretation during the French Revolution. While strongly materialistic, progressive, and atheist, the ideas of Diderot, Holbach, Mably, and Condorcet were also perceived as politically dangerous. All revolutionary attempts to put these ideas into political and social practice have failed. Finally, these ideas were refuted, but they returned during the 19th- and 20th-century debates on human rights.
PL
Główna różnica pomiędzy klasycznymi (zarówno antycznymi jak I średniowiecznymi) a nowożytnymi koncepcjami prawa naturalnego dotyczy założenia o jego nadprzyrodzonym (boskim) źródle. Wczesnonowożytne propozycje filozoficzne wykazywały skłonność do kwestionowania i stopniowego odrzucenia Boga lub jakiegoś innego bytu metafizycznego jako źródła prawa naturalnego. Niektórzy współcześni myśliciele (m.in. Bobbio, Habermas) określają to zjawisko jako przejście (modernizację, racjonalizację, „upozytywnienie”) od tradycyjnego prawa naturalnego w kierunku uprawnień naturalnych i praw człowieka. Można wyróżnić przynajmniej trzy główne podejścia do problemu prawa naturalnego w XVII i XVIII wieku, a każde z nich było bardziej radykalne: Grocjusz ośmielił się rozważać prawo naturalne „tak, jak gdyby Boga nie było”. Filozofowie wczesnego oświecenia (m.in. Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Voltaire) byli może bardziej odważni, ale byli jednak deistami, toteż „Istota Najwyższa” w ich pismach wciąż odgrywa rolę uzasadnienia prawa naturalnego. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prześledzenie najbardziej radykalnych zapatrywań na problem prawa naturalnego reprezentowanych przez częściowo zapomnianych i niedocenionych francuskich materialistów (La Mettrie, Diderot, Holbach, Mably, Condorcet). Wszyscy oni należeli do ruchu, określanego przez J. Israela jako „radykalne oświecenie”, toteż byli materialistami i ateistami, zaś naturę i prawo naturalne ujmowali jako coś zupełnie niezależnego od Boga czy innych bytów nadprzyrodzonych. W przeciwieństwie do ich starszych kolegów, ci radykalni filozofowie formułowali również postulaty równości (także wobec kobiet i mniejszości etnicznych), pełnej emancypacji i sprawiedliwości społecznej. W tym tekście omawiana jest interpretacja prawa naturalnego w ramach radykalnego oświecenia, jak również niektóre polityczne konsekwencje tej interpretacji w czasie rewolucji francuskiej. Poglądy filozoficzne Diderota, Holbacha, Mably’ego czy Condorceta, silnie materialistyczne, postępowe i ateistyczne, były postrzegane jako politycznie niebezpieczne. Wszystkie rewolucyjne próby realizacji tych ideałów w praktyce społecznej i politycznej zakończyły się niepowodzeniem. Aczkolwiek zostały odrzucone, to jednak powróciły w XIX i XX wieku w ramach debaty nad prawami człowieka.
EN
The article concerns some of the most important elements of I. Kant’s epistemology and its connections with earlier epistemological ideas, namely rationalism and empiricism. The history of dispute between rationalism (Descartes, Leibniz) and empiricism (Locke, Berkeley, Hume) is hereby shortly presented while Kant’s own philosophical achievements are suggested to be both alternative and synthesis of these. The main core of this paper is summary of basis of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason; some most important categories are described: apriorism, synthetic and analytical judgements, knowledge a priori and a posteriori, main ideas of transcendental esthetics (two forms of pure intuition: time and space), main ideas of transcendental logic (forms of judgement and twelve categories). Also the meaning of Kant’s „copernican revolution” is presented as a turning point for classical German philosophy as well as for whole modern epistemology.
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