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Activities of the Catholic Church in Poland Against Pedophilia in 2018

100%
Rezmer-Płotka K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2019
|
vol. 2 (48)
359-371
EN
The aim of the article is to determine the type of activities undertaken by the Catholic Church towards clergymen committing sexual offenses, and more specifically: pedophilia. The research problem is a question: what actions does the Catholic Church take against pedophilia? In order to realize a research project, it was first determined how the offense is defined in the doctrine of church criminal law. Then, there was made an analysis of the activities undertaken by the hierarchs of the Catholic Church. On its basis, a typology of the forms of the Church’s influence at various levels was reconstructed in the field of both preventive and sanctioning actions against the clergy. In the article there was adopted a time restriction covering only 2018. It can be described as a breakthrough, first of all due to the verdict that was made in Poznań (MS, 2018), the accusations that appeared at the end of the year against the deceased chaplain of Solidarity, Fr. Henryk Jankowski and initiatives taken by both citizens and politicians, such as the first anti-clerical happening of Baby Shoes Remember in Poland or the creation of a pedophile map. In the cinemas, a movie entitled “Kler” showed up. It moved the topic of pedophilia in the Church. Results: the Catholic Church in Poland, apart from symbolic activities, i.e. oral and written declarations, assurances, and prayers, undertakes also substantial actions, such as personal changes, cooperation with the state or the meetings of hierarchs centered around pedophilia.
2
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Media Image of Parliamentary Elections in Poland in 2015

100%
Rezmer-Płotka K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2019
|
vol. 2 (48)
377-379
3
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The Effects of Crises in the European Union as a Manifestation of the Militant Democracy Rule Implementation

100%
Rezmer-Płotka K.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2020
|
issue 6 (58)
615-621
EN
In the history of the European Union, there are three main crises: financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, and the recent coronavirus pandemic. Since the financial crisis, the process of modern democracies taking over the characteristics of non-democratic regimes has become noticeable, and subsequent crises are only exacerbating it. A useful theoretical category for explaining this phenomenon is the category of militant democracy, which was first used by Karl Loewenstein, who applied it to the Weimar Republic. The article aims to present in general how successive crises have contributed to accelerating the militant process by the EU Member States.
PL
W historii Unii Europejskiej można wskazać na trzy główne kryzysy: kryzys finansowy, tzw. kryzys uchodźczy i obecnie pandemię koronawirusa. Od momentu kryzysu finansowego, zaczęto dostrzegać, że współczesne demokracje zaczynają przejmować cechy charakterystyczne dla reżimów niedemokratycznych, a kolejne kryzysy wydają się jedynie to wzmacniać. Użyteczną kategorią do wyjaśnienia tego zjawiska jest kategoria demokracji opancerzonej, która po raz pierwszy została użyta przez Karla Loewenstein, który odnosił ją do Republiki Weimarskiej. Celem tego artykułu jest ogólne zaprezentowanie, w jaki sposób kolejne kryzysy przyczyniły się do przyspieszenia procesu opancerzania się demokracji w państwach członkowskich.
4
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PPSY Seminar “Grey Zones of Politics in Asia”, Toruń, May 14, 2019 – A Report

88%
Rezmer-Płotka K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2019
|
vol. 2 (48)
383-384
5
Content available remote

Miejsce stałego zamieszkania kandydata jako determinanta decyzji wyborczych w wyborach samorządowych w Polsce

63%
Marszałek-Kawa J., Rezmer-Płotka K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2021
|
issue 1(162)
211-223
EN
Among the many determinants of political behaviour in democratic systems, electoral decisions can be considered crucial. In line with the theory of rational choice voters cast their votes for those candidates who represent their important interests. Searching for factors determining contemporary politics is one of the basic tasks of social science researchers. The aim of this article is to determine whether a candidate’s place of permanent residence in a district plays a significant role in the political behaviour of people voting in local government elections and whether — thus — it can be included in the above set. The research hypothesis is that a candidate’s place of permanent residence matters for electoral decisions made in local government elections in Poland. The research was conducted between December 2018 and February 2019 as part of the nationwide research project “Political preferences. Attitudes — identifi-cations — behaviours”. The sample was selected in a quota and stratified manner. Indivisible strata were provinces (N = 16), while quota included elements such as gender, age and place of residence (urban/rural). The research team consisted of 16 provincial coordinators. The research, involving 968 participants, was conducted using a survey questionnaire. The results obtained confirm the great importance of the candidate’s place of residence as a determinant of electoral decisions, and also the validity of Article 10 § 1 point 3 of the Electoral Code.
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