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The significance of the problem of the «discourse» concept definition arises from the fact that for a relatively long time, from which the concept is used in social sciences, many of its interpretations have appeared. This, thereafter, affects the selection of the discourse research methods, and in the case of the author – the research of Polish discourse in Ukraine, which has an influence on Ukrainian-Polish relations. Therefore, the article is devoted to the analysis of the «discourse» concept and is the theoretical basis for establishing the possibility of using the analysis of discourse for the evaluation of international relations, and in the narrow sense - Polish-Ukrainian relations. As a source base, articles, monographs and theses of Polish and Ukrainian scholars have been used, and it should be noted that in Poland, discourse studies have been conducted for a long period of time and have attracted more attention of the political environment than in Ukraine, and this, accordingly, influenced the choice of sources. The problem of defining the discourse idea is that the concept is used in many scientific disciplines, within which different schools have appeared, which have their own understanding of the discourse concept. In addition, there are also interpretations of individual researchers, who are working within these schools. The analysis of various definitions of discourse convinced the author that the source of differences in the interpretation of the concept is the application of two philosophical traditions. One of them represents discourse as a multi-stage, logically ordered process of knowledge, and was presented by such well-known philosophers as R. Descartes and G.W. Leibnitz and gave impetus to the structuralist understanding of the concept. The second relies on the tradition of one-step moment of knowledge of the object and created a phenomenological school in the interpretation of the concept of «discourse.» The author has considered the classical discourse theories, presented by such scholars as: Teun A. van Dijk, Michel Foucault, Jürgen Habermas and Émile Benveniste, and for his study adopted the phenomenological discourse definition by Michel Foucault, where discourse is the relation of knowledge and power and their interconnection. The discourses are organized through the episteme as a system of thinking, characteristic for a particular era or sphere. Discourse practices are the collection of anonymous rules that govern expressions for a particular era and specific environments. The discourse interpretation in the phenomenological tradition of scientist Michel Foucault complements the work of other authors, which do not contradict the other above-mentioned interpretations, such as speech-community (community of speaking, language community), topic (concept) that unites the text, story line that arranges the discourse. Understanding the concept of discourse as rules that outline the statement, supplemented by the concepts of other scholars, allows us to use a wide range of research methods, which were introduced by the author - subdividing extralinguistic, linguistic (textual) and methods of analyzing the dependence of language and extra-language elements. Among the extra-linguistic methods, the analysis of SEP (somebody else’s problem is in first place) – the matter that is silent, the discourse strategy analysis, (the selection of texts, event naming, event description), priming and framing as discourse strategies. Methods of linguistic analysis concentrate on the analysis of the text surface which occupies this topic in the media, the analysis of the semantic keyword field, the conversational analysis which focuses on the description of communicative units, including metaphors and the analysis of text strategies. Finally, the third group of methods of language matching and extra-language factors is critical discourse analysis, which establishes links between ideology, propaganda, public morals and language.
EN
&e article tries to analyze the participation and political representation of the Polish minority in Ukraine and the Ukrainian minority in Poland in the period 1990-2015. Its meaning stems from at least several reasons. Firstly, because the both states officially accepted national minorities a´er 1990, they have introduced institutional arrangements of protection of their rights and have signed the major international documents in this area. Secondly, because the process of adaptation of European standards of minority protection took place in both countries in the situation of deep democratic changes and market reforms. Hence, the question of the role of minority policy in this has emerged. &irdly, because the both countries are linked to one another because of a shared common history that sometimes divides societies and public opinion in these states and the political activity of both groups can increase or diminish these socio-political divisions. In the case of the Polish minority in Ukraine this article draws attention to the lack of political representation at country level and its limited activity as the Polish group at the local level (based on the Zhytomyr example). On the other hand in the case of the Ukrainian minority in Poland the article highlights the process of gradual decline of its political activity on the country level (as a result of the spatial dispersion of this group and the absence of a political partner on the country political scene) while we may observe its political activity at the local level.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje analizę uczestnictwa i reprezentacji politycznej mniejszości polskiej na Ukrainie i mniejszości ukraińskiej w Polsce w latach 1990-2015. Jej znaczenie wynika z co najmniej kilku powodów. Po pierwsze oba państwa oficjalnie zaakceptowały po 1990 r. mniejszości narodowe, wprowadziły sprzyjające im rozwiązania instytucjonalne oraz podpisały i ratyfikowały główne dokumenty międzynarodowe w tej dziedzinie. Po drugie adaptacja europejskich standardów ochrony mniejszości nastąpiła w obu krajach w sytuacji demokratycznych zmian ustrojowych oraz reform rynkowych. Stąd pojawiło się pytanie o rolę polityki wobec mniejszości w sytuacji trudnych zmian prawnych i społecznych. Po trzecie oba kraje są powiązane ze sobą ze względu na wspólną historię, która czasami bardzo dzieli oba społeczeństwa i opinię publiczną, a aktywność polityczna obu grup może zwiększać albo zmniejszać te podziały społeczno-polityczne. Artykuł w wypadku mniejszości polskiej na Ukrainie zwraca uwagę na brak jej reprezentacji politycznej na poziomie ogólnokrajowym i niewielką jej aktywność jako grupy polskiej na poziomie lokalnym (przykład Żytomierza). Z kolei w przypadku mniejszości ukraińskiej w Polsce artykuł podkreśla proces stopniowego zmniejszenia jej aktywności politycznej na poziomie ogólnokrajowym (co wynika z rozproszenia przestrzennego tej grupy i braku politycznego partnera na scenie krajowej) i jednocześnie wzrost jej aktywności na poziomie lokalnym.
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