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PL
W artykule zaprezentowano ustanowiony pod auspicjami UNESCO międzynarodowy system ochrony dóbr kultury, w ramach którego objęto opieką i poszanowaniem dobra kultury znajdujące się w obszarze prowadzonych działań zbrojnych. Ponadto odniesiono się do trzech mechanizmów ochrony dóbr kultury w konfliktach zbrojnych, z których dwa (tj. ochrona specjalna i wzmocniona) nie cieszą zbyt dużym zainteresowaniem państw-stron konwencji, o czym świadczyć może niewielka liczba dóbr kultury nimi objęta. Za jedną z przyczyn niskiej efektywności ochrony dóbr kultury uznano zawartą w konwencji haskiej z 1954 r. konieczność wojskową, która często stanowi argument dla naruszania przez strony konfliktu zasady poszanowania dóbr kultury.
EN
The article outlines the international system for the protection of cultural property set up by UNESCO, under which cultural property located in a war zone is subject to protection and due care by the belligerent parties. Moreover, three levels of protection of cultural property in armed conflicts are presented, two of which – special protection and enhanced protection – are not widely used by the signatories of the 1954 Hague Convention, as evidenced by a limited number of cultural objects that have been chosen to be covered under those protection levels. One of the reasons for the low effectiveness of legislation pertaining to the protection of cultural property has been the inclusion of the concept of military necessity to the text of the Hague Convention, which is often invoked by warring factions as the justification for the violations of their duty of protecting cultural heritage.
EN
The liberalism as doctrine was never deep-rooted in the political sphere in Poland. It wasn’t possible on account of historical conditioning, but also the tradition constituting the crucial element of the political culture. Hence in principle to the turn of years 80. and 90. Of the 20th century in Poland political groups identifying themselves with liberal values didn’t function. However it doesn’t mean that liberal ideas weren’t generally speaking current in the social awareness. It will be sufficient because to point to two discussed values, i.e. the freedom and the right to hold the individual property in order to dispel all concerning doubts (enough poorly consolidated institutionally) of liberalism to the society. Of course to mark he belongs, that it isn’t regarding the society as a whole, as well as isn’t regarding the liberalism in all spheres of the activity of individuals. Because in the economic sphere the freedom is acceptable to a larger extent, than in the cultural sphere.
EN
The purpose of this article is to present and compare China’s economic, political and military involvement in Ukraine and Belarus, with particular emphasis on their role in the global expansion of the PRC. China after the opening of the economy to the world in the early 1980s, immediately became one of the most important elements of the global economy. The article will attempt an analysis of Chinese investments on the Dnieper, but also the political and military aspects of this cooperation.
RU
Цель этой статьи – это представление и сравнение китайского экономическо- го, политического и воинского присутствия на Белоруссии и Украине обра- щая особое внимание на их роль в глобальной экспансии КНР (Китайской Народной Республики). Китай – после открытия экономики на мировые рын- ки в 80-е гг. – оказался сразу одним из самых важных элементов глобальной экономики. Данная статья является попыткой анализа китайских инвести- ций в названных странах, а также политических и военных аспектов этого сотрудничества.
EN
Societal security is undoubtedly an instrument for creating populist attitudes. This is related primarily to the quality of different democratic mechanisms and their representations affecting the political system. However, in the largest extent the merge of societal security and populism are triggered by the political elite, and the recipients of their communication - the citizens. It is related to the belief, which is increasingly affecting the public that ‘the elite should do what people order them to’ (Markowski 2004: 14). Undoubtedly, this situation creates series of consequences related primarily to the lack of political and economic civic competences. On the other hand, it may contribute to the growth of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the government actions that results in the loss of the legitimacy.
EN
The purpose of the article is to present and analyse the role of transfer of military technology, equipment and armaments in mutual military relations between the PRC and Ukraine, as well as its impact on modernization of the PLA and expansion of China’s military potential.
EN
The growing power of the PRC implies a change in the international and security policy of the country, and even the perception of the international environment by the members of the CPC. The White Paper of Defence, published every two years by the Ministry of National Defence of the People's Republic of China aims to explain the ongoing evolution. The present paper studies in depth the Chinese point of view of the potential challenges for security in the region of Asia and the Pacific.
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