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Widmo liberalizmu

100%
Klejdysz N.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2010
|
issue 4
25-44
EN
The notion of ‘liberalism’ is beginning to acquire a new meaning in Polish political discourse. This ‘new liberalism’ is actually a distortion of liberal thinking and does not have much in common with proper liberalism. It has become a demon that politicians with anti-liberal attitudes use to frighten their potential voters. The reason for that is that their political opponents are associated with liberalism. Therefore, the author attempts to identify liberalism and the directions of its evolution in order to emphasize the fact that the fundamental values of liberalism do not actually correspond to the anti-liberal claims employed in political disputes.
PL
The notion of ‘liberalism’ is beginning to acquire a new meaning in Polish political discourse. This ‘new liberalism’ is actually a distortion of liberal thinking and does not have much in common with proper liberalism. It has become a demon that politicians with anti-liberal attitudes use to frighten their potential voters. The reason for that is that their political opponents are associated with liberalism. Therefore, the author attempts to identify liberalism and the directions of its evolution in order to emphasize the fact that the fundamental values of liberalism do not actually correspond to the anti-liberal claims employed in political disputes.
2
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Urząd pełnomocnika ds. równego traktowania jako element walki politycznej w Polsce

100%
Klejdysz N.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2016
|
issue 4
29-42
EN
The Office of the Plenipotentiary for Equal Treatment was established to strengthen the practice of egalitarian. While in Poland, the office has more than 30-yearold, its position and influence on legislation and social life are unsatisfactory. This is a consequence of the politicization of the office and giving the ideological context to its functioning. This is evidenced by the changing names and personal details. Until the Prime Minister decides who performs this function, the Office of the Plenipotentiary will remain as a part of the political game. This article is an attempt to approximate this problem by analyzing the changes that have occurred over three decades in the functioning of the Office.
PL
Urząd Pełnomocnika Rządu ds. Równego Traktowania został powołany w celu umacniania praktyki egalitarnej. Wprawdzie w Polsce urząd ten ma ponadtrzydziestoletnią historię, to jego pozycja i siła oddziaływania na prawodawstwo i życie społeczne – są niezadowalające. Jest to konsekwencją upolitycznienia urzędu i nadania jego funkcjonowaniu kontekstu ideologicznego. Świadczą o tym zmieniające się nazwy i personalia. Jedynie powołanie niezależnej pod względem politycznym, centralnej instytucji, która monitorowałaby kwestie związane z równouprawnieniem i jego naruszeniami, pozwoli na profesjonalizację urzędu. Dopóty, dopóki premier rządu decyduje o tym, kto sprawuje tę funkcję, urząd Pełnomocnika pozostanie elementem gry politycznej. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę przybliżenia tego problemu poprzez analizę zmian, jakie przez trzy dekady zachodziły w zakresie funkcjonowania urzędu.
3
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Kobiety w polskiej administracji publicznej

100%
Klejdysz N.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2013
|
issue 4
25-36
EN
The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women’s participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women’s participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns‘executive’ posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.
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Nowy feminizm – teoria i praktyka

100%
Klejdysz N.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2014
|
issue 2
183-193
EN
The author of the paper focuses on the discrepancies between the new feminism and the practice of the institutional Church. New feminism is approached here as an inherent part of the contemporary social teaching of the Catholic Church. Its practice is analyzed on the examples of statements uttered by Church officials as concerns the role of women in the Church, and the concrete activities and decisions of the institutional Church. The author seeks the reasons for these discrepancies in tradition, on the one hand, and on the other, in the fear of losing power.
PL
Autorka artykułu koncentruje się na rozbieżnościach między założeniami nowego feminizmu a praktyką Kościoła instytucjonalnego. Nowy feminizm traktowany jest tutaj jako immanentna część współczesnej nauki społecznej Kościoła katolickiego. Natomiast praktyka Kościoła instytucjonalnego została przeanalizowana w oparciu o przykłady wypowiedzi hierarchów na temat udziału kobiet w Kościele oraz konkretne działania i decyzje Kościoła instytucjonalnego. Przyczyn tychże rozbieżności autorka upatruje, z jednej strony, w tradycji, z drugiej – w obawie o utratę władzy.
5
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Bunt kobiet: w poszukiwaniu źródeł świadomości równościowej (od XVII do lat 60. XX wieku)

100%
Klejdysz N.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2018
|
issue 2
173-189
EN
The 20th century is sometimes called the „century of women.” Feminism of the second wave, preceded by the involvement of suffragists and their effective fight for political rights, accelerated the process of shaping women’s self-consciousness. However, this process started much earlier. The 19th century protests of emancipated women had been preceded by a hundred-year history of women’s rebellions. Although their motivation at the stage of contestations in the 17th and 18th centuries was primarily economic and political, and they only supported men’s activity, still the reflection on the inadequacy of social contribution of women and their actual participation was born. This article is therefore devoted to these timid beginnings of the revived awareness of equality, expressed in various forms of rebellion and protest.
PL
XX wiek bywa nazywany „stuleciem kobiet”. Feminizm drugiej fali, poprzedzony zaangażowaniem sufrażystek i ich skuteczną walką o prawa polityczne, doprowadził do przyspieszenia procesu kształtowania samoświadomości kobiet. Wszelako proces ten rozpoczął się znacznie wcześniej. Dziewiętnastowieczne protesty emancypantek poprzedzała stuletnia historia buntów kobiet. Wprawdzie ich motywacja na etapie siedemnasto- i osiemnastowiecznych kontestacji miała przede wszystkim charakter ekonomiczny i polityczny, a działania te były wspomagające względem aktywności mężczyzn, lecz rodziła się już wówczas refleksja nad nieekwiwalentnością społecznego wkładu kobiet i ich rzeczywistej partycypacji. Niniejszy artykuł jest zatem poświęcony owym nieśmiałym początkom odradzającej się świadomości równościowej, wyrażanej w różnych formach buntu i protestu.
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Andrea Dworkin – najbardziej znienawidzona feministka

100%
Klejdysz N.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2006
|
issue 1
159-172
EN
On April 9, 2005, Andrea Dworkin, one of the most controversial figures of the second wave of feminism, died in Washington. Her statements against violence and pornography had rather weak theoretical foundations. Her few attempts to provide a broader background or to give reasons for the discrimination against women are failures: they are superficial and chaotic. Yet Dworkin was not a theoretician of the feminist movement, but a practitioner, or even its creator. Her preoccupation with the struggle against pornography resulted from her own traumatic experience. Dworkin liked to provoke. She was not attractive, which she ostentatiously emphasized. She shocked with her language. However, besides excessive vulgarisms, her statements reveal the profound passion with which she defended her views. Referring to the emotions of her readers and listeners, she did not conceal her own emotions, therefore her texts ooze with honesty and naturalness. Loathed by anti-feminists, rejected by the majority of feminists, she contributed to the creation of the radical dimension of modern feminism.
7
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David Friedman, Pan Niepokorny. Kulturowa historia penisa, Warszawa 2003

100%
Klejdysz N.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2006
|
issue 1
219-224
PL
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