The Hungarian parliamentary elections of April 2010 and 2014 were widely commented both in Hungary and abroad. In 2010 Fidesz led by Viktor Orbán, won the elections in a spectacular way winning together with the coalition partner Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) 67.88% of votes and 262 mandates in a 386 people parliament. Thus the new government won constitutional majority as well as the ability to carry out serious reforms in both the internal and foreign policies. The purpose of this article is to present the new directions in Hungarian foreign policy after 2010. Among the most important ones are strengthening of the relations with Russia as well as with other Asian countries as part of the „Eastern Opening” program. Another direction is to intensify the cooperation with the Visegrad Group members. The article also describes Budapest’s relations with the European Union.
PL
Wybory parlamentarne z kwietnia 2010 roku i 2014 roku były szeroko komentowane zarówno na Węgrzech, jak i zagranicą. W 2010 roku partia Fidesz, dowodzona przez Viktora Orbána, odniosła spektakularne zwycięstwo, uzyskując z koalicyjną Chrześcijańsko – Demokratyczną Partią Ludową (KDNP) 67,88% głosów i 262 mandaty w 386 osobowym parlamencie. Nowy rząd zdobył tym samym większość konstytucyjną oraz możliwość przeprowadzenia poważnych reform w polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie nowych kierunków w polityce zewnętrznej Węgier po 2010 roku. Do najważniejszych należy zacieśnienie współpracy z Rosją oraz innymi państwami Azji w ramach programu „otwarcie na Wschód”, a także wzmocnienie kooperacji z krajami tworzącymi Grupę Wyszehradzką. W artykule zostały również poddane analizie relacje z Unią Europejską.
The Fidesz (Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége) – Christian Democratic People’s Party (Kereszténydemokrata Néppárt – KDNP) coalition, being continually in power in Hungary since April 2010, has carried out many changes both in the country’s internal and foreign policies. The overall reform has included the policy toward Hungarians living abroad and one of the major goals of Viktor Orbán’s cabinet has become the restoration of mutual trust, maintaining strong ties as well as the securing of interests of the Hungarian diaspora. In order to accomplish this, the ruling authorities set up new institutions responsible for creating activities and maintaining cooperation with fellow – Hungarians living outside of their homeland. The purpose of this article is to analysis the Fidesz – KDNP cabinet’s policy toward the Hungarian minority in the years 2010–2018, as well as describe the influence of that policy on Budapest’s relationship with neighbouring countries. Moreover, the article also lists activities which were undertaken in this field by former cabinets in the years 1990–2010.
The location of national minorities in the territory of the Slovak Republic is regulated by numerous national acts, the most important of which are the constitution, the law on the use of national minority languages and the law on the state language. References to national minorities can be found in many other acts, such as the Act on counteracting discrimination, the Act on Upbringing and Education and the Act on Radio and Television. The issue of minorities is also raised in bilateral agreements, an example of which is the agreement on good neighbourliness and friendly cooperation between the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Hungary. The legal situation of minorities in Slovakia is also influenced by international organizations to which Bratislava belongs. In this case, the Council of Europe’s most significant influence, the European Union, the Central European Initiative and the United Nations. Over the years, the Slovak authorities have also created institutions responsible for activities for national minorities, and among them, an important function is performed by the Government Plenipotentiary of the Slovak Republic for National Minorities. This article aims to analyse the legal acts and institutions regulating the legal status of national minorities in Slovakia. The publication is also intended to show that the issue of minorities is covered in many legal solutions, and the Slovak authorities have developed a system of protection and support for this community over the years. The author used the institutional and legal method.
PL
Położenie mniejszości narodowych na terenie Republiki Słowackiej regulują liczne akty prawne. Wśród nich znajdują się dokumenty przyjmowane na gruncie krajowym oraz rozwiązania o charakterze międzynarodowym. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie treści najważniejszych ustaw oraz dokumentów, które wpływają na położenie mniejszości narodowych na Słowacji, a także przybliżenie reakcji organizacji międzynarodowych na wprowadzane przez Bratysławę regulacje prawne.
In modern Central Europe there is still no shortage of countries whose mutual relations largely determine historical experience, and more specifically a different interpretation and assessment of events from the past. An excellent example of this is Hungary’s relations with neighboring countries, which are marked by events from the second half of the nineteenth century, i.e. the period when the authorities of the then Kingdom of Hungary conducted intensive Magyarization of national minorities and the first half of the twentieth century, as a result of the provisions of the Trianon Treaty, Budapest lost more than half of its area, and 3,227 million Hungarians were outside the country. The Trianon Treaty, which is still a traumatic memory and an unhealed wound, has a great impact on mutual relations. This article presents the impact of the Trianon Treaty on Hungarian-Slovak relations. Currently, 460,000 Hungarians live in Slovakia, who found themselves in the Republic as a result of the provisions of the said treaty. Importantly, it is the second-largest Hungarian minority in the Carpathian Sea Basin. In addition, it is a compact community, inhabiting the southern area of the country along the Hungarian border, conducting active political and cultural activities, and remaining in strong relations with their motherland. The abovementioned factors and fears of the Slovaks against the revisionist policy of Budapest in the interwar period and in the early 1990s meant that the topic of Trianon permanently inscribed in mutual relations.
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