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PL
Podstawą artykułu są dane zgromadzone podczas badań ankietowych oraz wywiadów pogłębionych przeprowadzonych w gminach, przez które przebiegają wybrane do analizy korytarze drogowe. Badania dotyczyły funkcjonowania i użytkowania wybranych odcinków dróg. Na tej podstawie oceniono społeczne postrzeganie dostępności do wybranych usług, dokonano analizy przemian częstotliwości użytkowania dróg oraz zmian w jakości życia i poziomie bezpieczeństwa. Społeczna percepcja dostępności do usług różni się w zależności od ich rodzaju (lokalne, ponadlokalne) i kategorii drogi.
EN
This paper is based on data collected during a study (questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews) conducted in selected Polish gminas and focused on selected road corridors. On this basis, social perception of the accessibility of selected services is assessed as well as changes in frequency of road use, quality of life, and road safety. In the case of three road corridors (highways A1 and A4; express road S8), changes in accessibility have occurred as a result of road investments.
EN
In analyzing the worldwide consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war, it is necessary to consider the position of People’s Republic of China. This results from three major factors. First, the aggressor state, the Russian Federation, has China as a strategic partner. Second, the ongoing armed conflict (which is actually also a confrontation between Russia and US/NATO) coincides with a period of increased rivalry between United States and China. And third, even if China wasn’t Russia’s strategic partner and Sino-American weren’t so tense, it would have been impossible to ignore China’s stance on the war. That is due to the fact that PRC is at present the second superpower and a strong candidate for international leadership. The articles aims to achieve the following research goals: 1) Identifying and explaining PRC’s position on the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. 2) Assessing the effects of the current war on China’s international position. 3) Identifying the key factors that will determine the future course of PRC’s policy towards the conflict.
EN
The paper focuses on the major population and ethnic changes in Crimea during a period that spans the peninsula's history as part of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, independent Ukraine and following its recent annexation by the Russian Federation. The study presents the most important factors driving this change and its consequences for the Crimean population. The Crimean ethnic landscape was formed by a number of pivotal and often tragic events, including: two waves of Tatar emigration in the second half of the 18th and the 19th centuries; the Russian civil war and subsequent repressions; two waves of hunger in the 1920s and 1930s, the Second World War, including the deportation of the Crimean Tatars and other ethnic groups in the 1940s; the mass return of the Crimean Tatars at the turn of the 1990s; and the Russian annexation of the peninsula. Statistics were taken from Russian censuses, starting with the first census of the Russian Empire in 1897 and ending with a census carried out by the Russian statistical office Rosstat after the annexation.
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INTRODUCTION

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EN
In the social awareness of Poles, 2018 stands out due to the celebration of the 100th anniversary of Poland’s regaining of its independence. 1 November 11th, Independence Day, was particularly festive. It was a unique moment in which Poles enjoyed the fact that they belonged to a great civic community. Polish society, like all modern societies, is characterized by considerable complexity, an element of which is functional diversity.2 Thus, 2018 was an opportunity for celebration for many groups and institutions that constituted themselves within the framework of the Polish State a hundred years ago, including the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, the Ministry of Family, Labor, and Social Policy, and the Central Statistical Office. Each of these areas of social life is an aspect of consolidation over the 100 years of independence. Inscribing itself into the anniversary events, each one deserves special attention. Without making any claims to evaluate or compare the various pillars of social life, I would like to point out selected circumstances accompanying the birth of social policy in Poland. Their importance seems understandable when one looks at the past through the lens of great social processes. The legislation of Poland, reborn after 123 years of the Partitions, was very modern. The granting voting rights to women, establishing an eight–hour working day, guaranteeing children free and universal education, and overseeing the working conditions juveniles, were all introduced in Poland much earlier than in many Western countries. Such regulations remained in stark contrast to the realities in which Poles had lived until then.3 Decades of exploitation of the inhabitants of Polish land and the lack of undertakings aimed at the development of the occupied territories led to a situation in which the splendor of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth remained alive only in the collective memory. Additionally, society suffered from the effects of the First World War, prolonged by the fight for the eastern borders with the Soviet Union. Poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and the fate of children orphaned by civilians and soldiers who died between 1914 and 1918 were very serious challenges. The fathers of the reborn state, headed by Józef Piłsudski, attached great importance to social issues. Before starting activities leading to the formation of the Polish army, Marshal Piłsudski was for years involved in the work of the Polish Socialist Party. Among other things, its activities involved the publishing the Robotnik [Worker] magazine.4 Industrialization and its associated urbanization resulted in such profound changes in the social structure of many countries over the course of the 19th century that, under their influence the political order of Europe began to rupture in the early 20th century. Representatives of colonial powers, future new states becoming the political organisms of many European nations formed from out of the post–Versailles behemoths, and the Bolsheviks seeking to spread the revolutionary flame across the continent5 played a role in establishing the new borders. Piłsudski rebuilt Poland as a national community based on culture, common history, and heritage. At the same time, he was able to effectively resist the threat from the east. This was thanks to not only his military genius, but also the trust he enjoyed due to his sensitivity to the problems of the lower social strata. Implementation of the idea of social solidarity in the Second Polish Republic encountered serious obstacles that were the result of the economic reality as well as the objectively difficult situation involving the uniting three extremely different post–Partition realities. This is all the more reason for the merits of the fathers of the first Polish solutions in the field of social policy deserve recognition. Social issues also played a significant role in later years as raised by the opposition, especially during the birth of the Solidarity Free Trade Union, in the times of the Polish People’s Republic. This sensitivity to social issues remains key even today, as exemplified by the “Family 500 Plus” program. Let us hope that, thanks to such experiences and traditions, attachment to the idea of social solidarity will also characterize future generations of Poles. A detailed description of social policy changes in Poland over the last hundred years as well as an analysis of selected aspects of social policy can be found in the articles collected in this issue. An extensive 700–page monograph entitled Stulecie polskiej polityki społecznej 1918–2018 [One hundred years of Polish social policy 1918–2018], edited by E. Bojanowska, M. Grewiński, M. Rymsza, and G. Uścińska, and published by the National Center for Culture and the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy (Warsaw, 2018) served as the basis for this choice. If you are interested in a more in–depth examination of the topics signaled in this issue, I encourage you to consult this informative publication, which provides additional comments and analyses of various aspects of social policy over the past 100 years.
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EN
The paper addresses the issue of depopulation in Russia, especially the ethnic aspect of this process considering the regional approach. Two essential aspects of depopulation were discussed i.e., the quantitative aspect resulting from the rate of natural increase or decrease and migration, as well as the qualitative aspect exerting impact on changes in the number of ethnic groups, namely the shift in ethnic self-identification. The analysis was conducted for the period of 1989–2010 (the last census in the USSR and the last census conducted in the Russian Federation). Population change in Russia has acquired a specific meaning in regional terms, leading to significant quantitative and structural transformation. On the one hand, there is a depopulation of native Russian regions and ethnic structured regions dominated by the Russians (or more broadly by the Slavs), and on the other, demographic expansion of non- Slavic ethnic groups, especially of North Caucasus. Changing the mutual relations between ethnic groups may cause tension or escalation of ethnic conflicts.
EN
The purpose of the paper is to present the cross-border mobility of Poles in a broader context of social, economic changes and formal and political conditions. The mobility of Poles is presented on the example of border traffic on the Polish-Russian border. We compare the situation on the border with Kaliningrad oblast with other sections of the eastern border. We focus on number of crossings and the movement of passenger and heavy good vehicles based on the data of the Border Guard. The conclusions are as follows: the intensity of border traffic was conditioned by both formal and legal changes as well as the economic situation on both sides of the state border. In the period from 1990, intensive travels of Poles to the Kaliningrad oblast were carried out: (1) from the mid-1990s until Poland's accession to the European Union; (2) during the operation of local border traffic, i.e. in the years 2012-2016.
PL
Współczesna socjologia religii dysponuje zaawansowanymi schematami wyjaśniającymi zjawisko genezy i dynamiki konwersji religijnej jako alternatywizacji doświadczeń religijnych w oparciu o kulturowe xródła atrakcyjności Nowych Ruchów Religijnych. Jednowymiarowa analiza konwersji religijnej jako rezultatu psychologicznej i społecznej manipulacji, "prania mózgu" (brainwashing), "porwania" (snapping) poprzez dezorganizację codzienności czy zastosowania charyzmatycznej sugestii dostarcza interpretacji do badania grup destrukcyjnych i tzw. grup żarłocznych. Powinna być ona jednak uzupełniona o modele konwersji uwzględniające kulturowo konstytuowane potrzeby jednostek aktywnie kształtujących swoją tożsamość, uwikłanych w złożone interakcje międzyludzkie i dylematy związane z życiem w społeczeństwach ryzyka. Polskie społeczeństwo posiadające znamiona traumy kulturowej wydaje się być szczególnie podatne na te rodzaje konwersji, które w niewielkim stopniu opierają się na inwazyjnych technikach wpływu. Procesy nieustannej (re)konstrukcji społęczeńśtwa polskiego wraz z implementowaniem nowych wzorców kulturowych, nowego stylu (a włąściwie wielu stylów) życia, tworzą środowisko permanentnej zmiany, w którym konwersja religijna dostarcza uzasadnień zarówno podtrzymujących tradycyjne wzory kulturowe, jak i stymulujących radykalne zmiany tożsamościowe. Niezależnie od swoich reakcyjnych czy rewizyjnych legitymizacji konwersja w społęczeńśtwie ryzyka prowadzi do powstania "światów łańcuchowych", których prawomocnośc bazuje na kategorii trwania nadziei lub zmiany. W rezultacie profil konwertyty religijnego tożsamy jest z "turystą przez życie", z homo eligens - człowiekiem podejmującym suwerenne decyzje, a następnie przez swoje wybory kulturowo zdeterminowanym.
PL
W trakcie pandemii COVID-19 funkcjonowanie instytucji kultury było znacząco ograniczone. Spowodowało to zmiany wzorów uczestnictwa w kulturze, z których najbardziej emblematycznym było przeniesienie aktywności kulturalnej do internetu. Artykuł przedstawia analizę praktyk odbiorców wydarzeń kulturalnych i ich postaw dotyczących konwersji cyfrowej (w odniesieniu do aktywności mających być w założeniu odpowiednikami wydarzeń stacjonarnych). Analiza przeprowadzona została z perspektywy teorii praktyk. Prezentowana perspektywa pozwala zrozumieć źródła atrakcyjności praktyk pandemicznych oraz logikę dynamiki odbioru treści kulturalnych obserwowaną w okresie pandemii. Bazą empiryczną analizy jest materiał z dwunastu zogniskowanych wywiadów grupowych (FGI) przeprowadzonych w listopadzie 2021 roku z przedstawicielami publiczności (osobami regularnie uczestniczącymi w wydarzeniach kulturalnych przed pandemią oraz w wydarzeniach online w trakcie pandemii).
EN
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the functioning of cultural institutions was significantly limited. This resulted in changes in the patterns of participation in culture, and notably in much of cultural activity being transferred to the Internet. The article presents an analysis of the audience members’ practices and their attitudes regarding digitalization. The analysis has been conducted from the perspective of practice theory. This perspective allows to understand what made pandemic practices attractive, and to grasp the dynamics of the cultural content reception during the pandemic. The material for the empirical analysis comes from twelve focus group interviews (FGI) conducted in November 2021 with audience members (i.e. people regularly participating in cultural events before the pandemic and online events during the pandemic).
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