Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 12

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

WALKA LUDOWCÓW O KSZTAŁT REFORMY ROLNEJ W SEJMIE USTAWODAWCZYM W 1919 R.

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2006
|
issue 3
7-25 (9)
2
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Jewish problem in the Polish Communist Party

100%
Cimek H.
Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities
|
2016
|
issue 6
91–96
EN
Jews accounted for approx. 8-10% of the population of the Second Republic and in the communist movement (Polish Communist Party and Polish Communist Youth Union) the rate was approx, 30%, while in subsequent years it much fluctuated. The percentage of Jews was the highest in the authorities of the party and in the KZMP. This had a negative impact on the position of the KPP on many issues, especially in its relation to the Second Republic.
PL
Żydzi stanowili ok 8-10% ludności II Rzeczypospolitej, a w ruchu komunistycznym (Komunistyczna Partia Polski i Komunistyczny Związek Młodzieży Polski) odsetek ten wynosił ok 30%, przy czym w poszczególnych latach znacznie on się wahał Odsetek Żydów był najwyższy we władzach partii i w KZMP Odbijało się to negatywnie na stanowisku KPP w wielu kwestiach, zwłaszcza na jej stosunku do II Rzeczypospolitej
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

POGLĄDY KS. EUGENIUSZA OKONIA PREZENTOWANE W SEJMIE USTAWODAWCZYM (1919–1922)

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2010
|
issue 7
9-25 (8)
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Wpływ Międzynarodówki Chłopskiej na rozwój rewolucyjnego ruchu chłopskiego

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2004
|
issue 1
118-131 (14)
EN
The Peasants’ International, known by its Russian name of Kriestintern, was established in October 1923 and lasted until the beginning of February 1931. The PI was founded under the influence of the experience of the Russian revolution when the Communists realized that they were unable to seize power without a support from peasants. The Peasants’ International had difficulties with getting into a direct touch with the peasants although it had recognized them as a revolutionary force and sup-ported the establishment of dependent peasants’ organisations that had a transitory nature, that is they existed only until the revolution had won its victory. The future socialist countries were to be established as mono-party systems. The PI was fairly successful although it had had a difficult birth, caused among others by the fact that at the moment of its inception agrarian folk parties were well rooted in many countries. Moreover, in the Komintern there was no clarity as to the nature of the PI, as there was no clarity among the activists of the latter. In reality, the PI was a legal venture of the Communist International created to undertake activi-ties in the countryside. The Communists made many mistakes dealing with the peasants – the class they had intended to annihilate in the future. Despite all this, the PI during its whole existence, especially in the years 1924-1926, gained a considerable influence. It consisted in total of 24 national sections which were active in different periods. The biggest number of sections – 11 – there existed in Europe. Asia and the Far East ranked as the second. In general, the Kriestintern was active or tried to be active in at least 58 countries in all of the continents, apart from Australia.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

PRZYNALEŻNOŚĆ GALICJI (MAŁOPOLSKI) WSCHODNIEJ – W KONCEPCJACH POLSKICH KLUBÓW LUDOWYCH W 1919 R.

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2008
|
issue 5
9-26 (8)
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

WINCENTY WITOS A KLUCZOWE KWESTIE W SEJMIE USTAWODAWCZYM (1919–1922)

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2009
|
issue 6
18-26 (9)
EN
Wincenty Witos (1874–1945), Chairman of Zarząd Główny PSL Piast (Main Council of Polish Peasant Party „Piast”), was elected a deputy to Sejm Ustawodawczy (Constitutent Assembly) on 26 January 1919. Since February 1919 he was the chairman of Klub Poselski PSL Piast (Parliamentary Club of PSL Piast), and subsequently he headed Związek Sejmowy Posłów Ludowych (Parliamentary Union of Peasant Deputies) in the period between June and October 1919, as well as chairing Klub Posłów PSL (the Club of PSL Deputies) in the period between October 1920 and January 1921, consisting of deputies representing PSL Piast and PSL Wyzwolenie. Later he again became the chairman of Klub Poselski PSL Piast. During the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly, Witos took the floor 40 times as a deputy and 19 times in the capacity of Prime Minister. His interventions pertained internal issues arising in the newly re-established Polish state. In particular, they were related to agrarian reforms and the issue of borders. On the other hand, Witos did not take part in a plenary discussion concerning the Constitution. He was a member of the following parliamentary committees: foreign affairs, fiscal-budgetary and agrarian (as its chairman). As Prime Minister of the Cabinet in the period between 24 July 1920 and 13 September 1921, he concentrated primarily on the issue of war and peace with the Soviet Russia and an opportunity to establish the eastern borderline in a manner advantageous for Poland. Witos was in favour of partial expropriation of landowners and clergy as well as of creating „well-to-do” peasant farms. His was an agrarist vision of Poland. He contributed significantly to the passing of „Uchwała Sejmu Ustawodawczego z dnia 10 lipca 1919 r. w przedmiocie zasad reformy rolnej” (Law on the agrarian reform of 10 July 1919). He was of the opinion that all Polish territories should be united whereas the Polish state (Polska Ludowa – People’s Poland) should be granted part of the coastal territory. According to him, the Polish state ought to include: Galicja Wschodnia (Eastern Galicia) and Lvov, Śląsk Cieszyński (Cieszyn Silesia), Spisz (Zips), Orawa, a territory of the former Prussian partition together with Poznań (Posen) and Gdańsk (Danzig) as well as eastern lands together with Vilnius. Witos spoke critically about the resolutions adopted by the peace treaty with Germany concluded on 28 June 1919.
7
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

DZIAŁALNOŚĆ STANISŁAWA OSIECKIEGO W SEJMIE USTAWODAWCZYM (1919–1922)

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2011
|
issue 8
19-36 (9)
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Eugeniusz Walczak: Chłopskie Stronnictwo Radykalne 1919–1928, Wyd. Muzeum Historii Polskiego Ruchu Ludowego, Ludowe Towarzystwo Naukowo-Kulturalne, Warszawa 2001

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2004
|
issue 1
302-306 (5)
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

ŻYDZI W RUCHU KOMUNISTYCZNYM W POLSCE W LATACH 1918–1937

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2012
|
issue 9
27-57 (15)
10
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Elity Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego (sierpień 1945 r. – październik 1947 r.)

100%
Cimek H., Akademia Humanistyczna im. A. Gieysztora w Pułtusku
Zeszyty Wiejskie
|
2015
|
vol. 21
EN
The article characterizes the elites of the Polish Peasant Party from the establishment of the party to the escape of Stanislaw Mikołajczyk from Poland, taking into consideration a social origin of key activists, their education and experience in the people’s movement. The author describes attempts made by the Polish Peasant Party to gain a dominant position in the movement, the role of the Party in the Provisional Government of National Unity, the fight for democracy, the activity in the State National Council, the attitude towards the Polish people’s referendum on June 30, 1946 and the participation in election to parliament on January 19, 1947. The author also depicted the fortunes of key activists of the Polish Peasant Party after gaining control of the “Left” Polish Peasant Party with Józef Niećko and Czesław Wycech as its leaders.
11
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

LUDOWCY WOBEC IDEI PARLAMENTU POLSKIEGO W LATACH 1918–1919

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2005
|
issue 2
27-45 (9)
12
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

POGLĄDY MIĘDZYNARODÓWKI KOMUNISTYCZNEJ, KOMUNISTYCZNEJ PARTII POLSKI I MIĘDZYNARODÓWKI CHŁOPSKIEJ NA SYSTEM PARTYJNY W USTROJU KAPITALISTYCZNYM I SOCJALISTYCZNYM

100%
Cimek H.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2012
|
issue 10
9-18 (10)
EN
According to the communists, in an intermediate period following the victory of the socialist revolution, during a transition from capitalism to communism, a state of the proletariat dictatorship would exist. They assumed that in the socialist regime, a oneparty system would function. As far as the capitalist regime, the communists fought against the parties of the right, the reformist and agrarian parties – except for periods when they voiced the slogan of a two-stage revolution (1923, 1935–1937). In those periods they proposed that a worker-peasant government should be established, including inter alia PPS and PSL Wyzwolenie. The communists ran also into a difficulty when determining their attitude toward legally operating revolutionary organizations. In practice, they accepted their existence, stressing, however, that those would continue to operate only as long as the socialist revolution had won.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.