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Podlasie jako region pogranicza

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EN
Podlasie, a historical and geographical region in eastern Poland, has been for centuries a political and national borderland where Polish, Lithuanian, Belorussian and Ukrainian ethnic elements intermingled. This resulted in a very durable ethnic, religious and cultural borderland in Podlasie. It was formed by a number of ethnic and religious communities that have inhabited this region since a remote past and influenced each other thus making the region a maze of nations, religions, languages and cultures. The ethnic and religious diversity of the region was determined by frequent changes in political linking of Podlasie and several waves of various settlers – a usual phenomenon in the region that was, particularly in the Middle Ages, a kind of frontier of Poland, Lithuania and Russia. Ethnic borderland in Podlasie is the most diversified region in Poland in respect of nationality, culture and religion. It forms both an interstate borderland between Poland and Belarus and an internal ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic borderland. Predominent nations are Poles and Belorussians but the presence of Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Tatars, Romanies, Russians and Karaites, which makes the region a maze of nations. The religious mosaic is not so striking, nevertheless it is the only province of Poland where the Roman Catholics are outnumbered by followers of another religion, namely the Orthodox. The national and religious borderland in Podlasie is a zone with many transitory areas where different national, religious, linguistic and cultural groups overlap. There are hardly any clear dividing lines separating particular national and religious groups. In Podlasie various communities, in many cases closely related to each other, coexist side by side. Borderland zone are usually extensive areas where ethnic divisions tend to fade away. The whole area of north-eastern Poland, including Podlasie can be considered to be such a borderland zone. Here, several nationalities and religions are separated by more or less vast transitory belts rather than definite dividing lines. Sometimes such transitory areas gave rise to some new derivative communities.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wieloaspektowy wymiar pełnienia przez Podlasie funkcji pogranicza politycznego, cywilizacyjnego, narodowościowego, wyznaniowego, języko-wego i kulturowego. Poza omówieniem cech i procesów typowych dla obszarów pograniczy oraz przedstawieniem historycznych, geograficznych i politycznych uwarun-kowań uformowania się na Podlasiu szerokiej strefy zróżnicowanego pogranicza, poddano także analizie współczesne przemiany struktury etniczno-religijnej mieszkań-ców tego regionu oraz konsekwencje zmian sytuacji geopolitycznej (zwłaszcza w kon-tekście rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej) dla postrzegania Podlasia w kategoriach regionu pogranicza.
EN
As the term „nation” can be understood in different ways, the issues of nationality are problematic and ticklish. There is a variety of definitions of „nation”, none of them, though, is commonly accepted. Many different branches of science deal with this matter e.g. geography, sociology, history, psychology, ethnography, political science and international law. The answer to the question: What is the nation? greatly depends on to whom it is addressed, in what circumstances and in what historical epoch. The question would be handled differently by an ethonographer, demographer, politician, historian and sociologist. There are two main approaches to the definition of „nation” based on two different theories of nation: an objective and a subjective one. The former suggests that nationality is determined by comon origin, living in a given territory, culture, language, religion, economy, physiognomic characteristics, the are objective factors not dependant on one’s will. The latter theory claims that belonging to a nation results form one’s will and conviction. Most often, however, definitions of „nation” combine both approaches. It should be stated that if only objective criteria are applied many communities which definitely from a nation are not recognised as such. Therefore it seems more appropriate to determine one’s nationality according to subjective criteria, particularly those referring to individual feelings, willing, and self-consciousness. This approach is at present widely recognised, especially in developed democratic countries. This question gains in importance in the areas of national borderlands where different nations interpenetrate and ,,mingle”. The „national minority” is most often defined as a group smaller then the larger, controlling group of the nation; its members are citizens of a given state but differ as to ethnic background, language, culture, religion, they have a national identity, accept and emphasise their distinctness. Another term of similar meaning is „ethnic minority” (ethnic group). Generally the „ethnic minority” is a group of people differing in some respect from the dominant group living in a territory. In this sense the notion of „ethnic minority” comprieses the notion of „national minority” and at the same time is its synonym.
EN
Additional complicating factor in bilateral relations between national minority and the home state is different political status of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine and different processes of transformation the consequence of which is differentiated state of political relations of Poland with its eastern neighbours. Lithuania, like Poland, is a member of EU, Ukraine, outside the structures of European integration, pursued a variable foreign policy, depending on the ruling options and the economic situation, and Belarus, because of internal policy which is unacceptable in the EU countries, is located on the political periphery of Europe.
PL
W artykule omówiono początki powojennej działalności organizacyjnej mniejszości ukraińskiej i łemkowskiej w Polsce oraz jej zmiany jakościowe, ilościowe i przestrzenne w kolejnych dekadach, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem stanu aktualnego. Przedstawiono zależności między zmianami sytuacji politycznej a przekształceniami ukraińskich i łemkowskich struktur organizacyjnych. Głównym celem było przedstawienie uwarunkowań współczesnego pluralizmu organizacyjnego oraz opinii liderów wybranych organizacji.
EN
Since the middle of the 20th century, the fundamental factors which shaped Ukrainian and Lemko organizational structures in Poland, were the attitude of the state authorities to Ukrainians and Lemkos and political-legal system of the state. In People's Republic of Poland period, because of the strict limitation and control of all activities of political, social and cultural citizens, aversion of the authorities to the Ukrainians, non-recognition separateness of Lemkos and aspiration to assimilate all non- -Polish community, the organizational activity was limited to a minimum and focused on the implementation of objectives to the national minorities by the ruling bodies. Through the whole People's Republic of Poland period there worked the only one Ukrainian organization which was totally controlled by the authorities, but it wasn’t agreed to initiate Lemko organization. After the changes of regime in the early 90s, political and legal changes and different approach to non-Polish citizens of state authorities, it become a distinct activation and strong pluralization of the organizational structures. The number did not always go hand in hand with the quality and persistence, but admittedly after the year 1990, there has taken place rapid development of an independent Ukrainian and Lemko national, political, social, cultural, artistic and editorial activity. Sometimes it causes disputes and controversy, both within minority communities and in relations with Polish majority, but at the same time, despite of the permanent financial problems and frequent lack of understanding among the officials, it is a sign of the effective committing to the maintain of the identity and distinctiveness of groups by the activists. The spatial structures of Ukrainian organizations largely reflect contemporary territorial spread of Ukrainians, whereas Lemko organizations, despite of living most of Lemkos in Lower Silesia, are the most active in Lemko Region which was inhabited by them till displacement in the middle of 20th century.
PL
W artykule dokonano przeglądu badań geograficznych dotyczących struktury narodowościowej w Polsce, począwszy od XIX wieku do początku II dekady XXI wieku, odnosząc się także do zasadniczych nurtów badawczych problematyki narodowościowej wśród historyków i socjologów. Przedstawiono najistotniejsze zdaniem autora problemy badawcze, które należy podjąć w dalszych badaniach dotyczących mniejszości narodowych, etnicznych i etniczno-regionalnych zamieszkujących współczesną Polskę. Omó- wiono różnorodne metody badawcze wraz ze wskazaniem ich zalet oraz licznych ograniczeń. We wnioskach autor przedstawił główne, jego zdaniem, uwarunkowania wpływające na dynamiczne przekształcenia struktury narodowościowej w Polsce oraz zasadnicze cechy relacji państwo polskie – mniejszości narodowe.
EN
The issue of ethnicity is interdisciplinary and tackled by many sciences such as history, statistics, demography, politology, sociology, ethnology or ethnography, as well as geography, which focuses primarily on the spatial element of distribution of ethni-cities, the causes and consequences of its changes and the genesis of concentrations of ethnic minorities. As part of population geography or, more broadly, anthropogeography, and apart from geographies of religion and languages, there is a discipline called geography of ethnicity, which studies the numerousness, as well as assesses and analyses the ethnic structures in various spatial scales. Studies of ethnic structures and their transformations are common especially in political geography, which devotes more place to the issues of ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities than any other geographical science. Owing to its ability to study the spatial and temporal context of various phenomena, it facilitates the recognition and comprehension of interrelations between political, demographic, social and cultural factors. Such studies are particularly justified in the case of clear dependence between ethnic transformations and territorial or political transitions, i.e. the elements within political geography's scope of interest. Studies concerning ethnic minorities in Polish geography have had a long research tradition and great scientific achievements, especially in the interwar period and the last twenty years. These studies, though episodic in Communist times, have seen a contemporary renaissance. When dealing with issues of ethnicity, geography uses the achievements of other disciplines, especially history, statistics, sociology, and political science. The main point of reference in any analyses of the ethnic specifics is space, geographical environment and the socio-economic circumstances, while also considering the influence of historical and political conditions. Close links between political and historical geography caused by both disciplines studying the natural variability over time and space allow for referencing the socio-historical context which is indispensable in this kind of research. The vast majority of national, ethnic and regional minorities living in contemporary Poland are a part of the historical, cultural and political heritage of Poland, a testament to the former complexity and multicultural character of Poland, a part of its history, present day and, hopefully, its future. These minorities, even though thought of as “different” and separate in regards to their national, linguistic or religious identity are “at home”, with all rights and obligations that entails. Therefore, further research into the ethnic structure of Poland in essential, mainly due to the dynamic changes the country is currently undergoing (quantitative, qualitative, territorial, institutional, cultural, social, political), the growing importance of native regional groups and nationalities stemming from the non-European cultures, as well as the geopolitical, economic and civilisation transformations that are changing Europe.
EN
In the early 1990s, significant changes in the political and geopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe occurred: the collapse of communist rule, the unification of Germany, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. The creation, over a short time, of a number of independent nation-states in the immediate vicinity of Poland had a vast influence on individual national minorities, especially those living near the borders. There were huge changes to the political and economic relations between democratic Poland and its newly independent neighbours and, to a large extent, between individual nations, now divided by borders. The process of expanding the area of European integration began, which led, after a dozen or so years, to the inclusion of some Central and Eastern European countries in the NATO and EU structures, while leaving some of those countries outside the zone of political, economic and military integration, thus creating new division lines in the new political and legal reality. One consequence of the contemporary processes of political, economic and military integration of the European continent is the strengthening of its division into the Western Europe (in its widest meaning) and the Eastern Europe (not included in the integration process). At the Polish border with Belarus and Ukraine, the line of the modern division, strengthened in the literal (technical measures to protect the borders) and legal sense (visa regulations) overlaps with the civilisation, cultural and religious division line that has been shaped over the ages. Despite the claims from the government in Warsaw of “Polish eastern policy”, we can see a clear turn towards “western policy”. In political, military and economic sense, Poland is clearly facing west, which results in turning away from its eastern neighbours, which is particularly disadvantageous for political and geopolitical reasons. Despite spectacular attempts by various governments to revive the cooperation, especially with Ukraine and Lithuania, Poland does not currently have any arguments, especially economic or financial ones, to conduct an effective, pragmatic eastern policy, and not a policy based on historical sentiments. When we compare the contemporary ethnic structure and national policy of Poland and its eastern neighbours, we can see clear asymmetry in both quantitative and legalinstitutional aspects. There is currently a markedly smaller population of Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians living in Poland than the Polish population in the territories of our eastern neighbours. At the same time, the national minorities in Poland enjoy wider rights and better conditions to operate than Poles living in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie roli mniejszości narodowych w relacjach międzypaństwowych. Szczególnego wymiaru nabiera ona w przypadku sąsiadujących ze sobą państw, których skomplikowana historia doprowadziła do powstania skupisk poszczególnych narodowości w regionach przygranicznych. Zachodząca od początku lat 90. XX w. na obszarze środkowej Europy transformacja ustrojowa, przeobraziła relacje polityczne i ekonomiczne pomiędzy poszczególnymi państwami tego regionu, które dodatkowo komplikuje zróżnicowany stopień zaawansowania procesów integracji wschodnich sąsiadów Polski. Zmianie uległa także sytuacja, zwłaszcza polityczno-prawna, mniejszości narodowych, które – odmiennie niż w okresie komunistycznym – stały się istotnym elementem, niejednokrotnie konfliktogennym, wzajemnych relacji międzypaństwowych.
EN
Ukrainian population is connected with Polish history from the earliest times. Most of its presence is associated with such a historical and geographical regions as Podolia, Volyn, Outer Carpathian or – during the partitions – Galicia. Much less it is said about the Ukrainians in the context of Podlasie, despite the fact that their history in this region reaches Middle Ages. It is caused by many factors, mainly smaller number of people and the total difference of otherness of the Ukrainian population in Podlasie compare to "Galician Ukrainians”, especially during the partitions of Poland and in the 20 th century. In the series of historical studies concerning the history of settlement in Podlasie region, commonly emphasized is the fact that the North-Ukrainian ethnic population settled in the southeastern part of Podlasie in the Middle Ages. Based on the Russian census from 1897, the number of Ukrainian population in the Bialystok district was estimated for more than 60 thousand, mainly in the Bielsko region. Completely different were the results of censuses which took place 20–30 years later, in the independent Poland. According to them, between 1897 and 1931, Podlasie experienced a very rapid increase in the number of Belarusians and even more rapid decline in the number of Ukrainians. Between rivers, Narew and Bug in a very short time, there has been a complete reversal of the Ukrainian-Belarusian ethnic structure. In autumn of 1939 Podlasie was incorporated into the USSR. The Soviet government considered the whole population of Orthodox Church as Belarusians. In the postwar period, adopted the principle of automatic classification of population by religious criteria, considering all the Orthodox in Podlasie as Belarusians. In this simple schematic division of religious and ethnic structure, there was no room for Ukrainians. Only after a few decades later, at the turn of the 80s and 90s, began the process of rebirth of the Ukrainian national identity among the Orthodox community of Podlasie. This process took place mainly on the ground of a distinct ethnicity and language. It also took place in the institutional and organizational level, and in the awareness of the population, what confirm the results of sociological studies and censuses. It is hard to predict now how to continue the process of rerutenization specific parts of the population living between Narew and Bug rivers. One can only hope that in a democratic society it will be determined only by the individual sense of national identity, rather than arbitrary political and administrative guidelines.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytania, na ile metody przeprowadzenia spisów powszechnych, sformułowania tzw. pytań etnicznych oraz bieżące uwarunkowania polityczne i społeczne mogą kształtować ich wyniki w odniesieniu do struktury narodowościowej. Omówiono spisy ludności przeprowadzone w Polsce w ciągu ostatnich 90 lat, zwracając szczególną uwagę na czynniki, które mogły spowodować wypaczenie ich rezultatów. Skupiono się nie tyle na kolejnym przedstawieniu – powszechnie znanych – wyników w ujęciu ilościowym i przestrzennym, ale na „mechanizmie” przeprowadzenia spisu w kontekście ówczesnych realiów politycznych i społecznych.
EN
This article attempts to answer question on how much the methods of conducting censuses, the formulation of the so-called ”ethnic question” and current political and social conditions can shape their results. The census carried out in Poland over the last 90 years were discussed, paying particular attention to factors that could cause distortion of their results. Censuses in 1921 and 1946 were carried out immediately after the end of armed conflict – in a very dynamic socio-political situation during the post-war migration, not on the entire territory of the country, before the final demarcation of borders, in conditions of very strong nationalist atmosphere and marked reluctance of Polish majority to at least part of national minorities. From the point of view of the state administration the rapid pace of their conduction had justified reasons of political and demographic character, however it did not worked in the case of a reliable determination of the national structure, due to underestimating of the size of national minorities. The census in 1931 was carried out in the realities of a multinational state, strongly conflicted ethnically. On its results influenced both, the change in the method of determining the national structure, direct manipulation and forgery of authorities seeking to underestimation of the number of non-Polish population, as well as the emerging national identity of some residents, especially of eastern regions of the Poland. In 2002, after several years of recess in the studies on ethnic statistics, in the realities of practically mono-ethnic state, the clearly method of question of nationality and direct method of obtaining statistical data were adopted. However the social conditions, and particularly the negative experience of part of the minority against declaring non-Polish nationality, has contributed to an underestimation of its results, what combined with excessive estimates of the then Polish ethnic structure, caused numerous complaints concerning the accuracy of the census. In turn, in 2011, the census was carried out by a very diverse and completely different from all previous ones method. The introduced changes were mainly influenced by the suggestions and requests of national organizations, under what is known as ”political correctness” in the country in which minorities did not play a significant role in demographic or political aspect. The formulation of a questions about nationality, and especially the computation or rather estimation of the ethnic structure – for the first time – clearly overrated, not underrated its results and reduced their credibility. In terms of questions about nationality, none of these censuses were fully reliable, and for quantifying the Polish ethnic structure, the greater importance had rather different statistical methods applied during censuses, and the current state policy against non-Polish population, rather than the subjective feeling of national identity of individual citizens.
EN
Lemkos are a group of the Ruthenian population that reach furthest west and stand apart from the Polish and the Slovak populations as far as culture, religion and language are concerned. From the 14th century until 1944, they had been densely inhabiting a territory that spread in the form of an elongated wedge on both, the Polish and the Slovakian sides of the Carpathians from the Solinka and the Laborec rivers in the east, up to the Poprad river in the west. Ethnically, it was a homogeneous Lemko region. The Polish and the Slovak populations occupied only a few towns. The territory on the Polish side of the Carpathians inhabited by the Lemkos is called Lemkos’lands (Łemkowszczyzna). It covers the eastern part of the Sądecki Beskid, the Lower Beskid and the western edge of the Bieszczady Mountains. A different culture, language and religion distinguished Lemkos from the Poles. On the basis of distinct consciousness of Lemkos from the Poles it started to develop a national consciousness among them. In the first half of the 19th century there arose in East Galicia an Old Ruthenians orientation - also called the Russophiles - propagated Orthodox Church and the idea of integration of all Ruthenians under tsar’s domination. This orientation appeared in Lemkos’land as well. In the second half of the 19th century a new political orientation sprang up among Ruthenians’ intellectuals in Lvov, that emphasized the separateness of Ruthenians from Russians. It proclaimed building an independent Ukrainians country. However, most people in Lemkos’land were against this idea. The Ukrainian propaganda lead mainly by the Greek Catholic Church caused many conflicts between the Lemkos and Greek Catholic clergy. It became a reason for conversion of most Lemkos into Orthodox Church, especially during the period between the two World Wars. Arrangements of a new political order in Europe after the Second World War meant mass depopulation. Poland belonged to the group of states that completely changed their ethnic structures at that time. Both changes to the countries’ borders and extensive migrations of its populations had great influence on this process. In the years 1940-1947 the Lemkos’land became desolated as a result of the third phases of Lemkos displacements. They moved to the Ukraine and north-west Poland. The Greek Catholic Church had been liquidated and Orthodox churches were taken over by the Roman Catholic Church. It provoked the conversion of many Lemkos into the Orthodox Church. Few Lemkos’ families came back to Lemkos’land after 1956. They are a national minority there now. As a small national group they face many problems - mostly on the religion and national base. They are sub-divided into Ukrainians-Lemkos and Nationalists-Lemkos. The results of the search led among Lemkos’ showed, that despite their displacements and discrimination they had a very strong nationality, language and culture identity.
PL
W artykule zawarto teorie na temat genezy ludności łemkowskiej w Beskidach. Przedstawiono strukturę i przemiany religijne Łemków, rozwój ich świadomości narodowej, przyczyny i konsekwencje tragicznych przesiedleń w latach 1940-1947. Głównym celem było ukazanie współczesnej sytuacji Łemków na obszarze Łemkowszczyzny - struktury religijnej, stopnia tożsamości etnicznej i kulturowej, konfliktów.
PL
W artykule zawarto próbę analizy problematyki pogranicza - zwłaszcza narodowego - uwzględniając jego aspekt geograficzny, historyczny, polityczny, etniczny, społeczny i kulturowy. Z uwagi na bardzo szeroki i wieloznaczny zakres tematyki pogranicza, ograniczono się przede wszystkim do analizy w ujęciu geograficzno-socjologicznym. Głównym celem było ukazanie różnorodności obszarów pograniczy - jej przyczyn i konsekwencji.
EN
Borderlands have always been a subject of various disciplines such as anthropology, archaeology, ethnology, ethnography, geography, history, law, and sociology. Therefore, an appropriate examination of this matter requires a large interdisciplinary approach. The term of borderland has many meanings according to its context: geographical, historical, political, ethnic, social or cultural. This study is mainly concerned with the geographical and sociological aspects of the issue. As borderland was traditionally defined as a territory or border area, one of its basic features is spatial dimension In some cases, borderland is delimited precisely - by rivers, mountains or other elements of the natural environment. Most often the range of borderland is determined in terms of settlement geography: migrations, settlements, inhabitants culture. Borderland is a transition zone between two, or more, states or nations. This situation is owing to multiple historical changes of political dependence of the region, mixture of people in the settlement process, and different political influencés. A special type of borderland is a frontier. This term, rendered into Polish language as kresy, do not have an explicit, unequivocal meaning either in Polish political life or in literature. It comprises not only spatial and geographical aspects but also cultural and mythical ones. Usually, the frontier is identified in Polish literature with south-eastern extremities of pre-partition or pre-war Poland while western confines of the country are called borderland. However, the term frontier can be used in relation to very many border areas in all continents which played a similar role in the history of different states as kresy in Poland. Frontier is a specific borderland where a politically and ethnically accomplished state border on less developed, in this respect, peoples. It was the case of practically all borderlands at the fringes of main centres of civilization. In political geography the notion of the frontier is explained with core and periphery theories. The core area is a territory of strong political, economic, ethnic, and cultural dominance which was a springboard for expansion toward neighbouring areas. Usually, the expansion covered at first ethnically related territories and then it spread over periphery of different ethnic background. Despite the etymological meaning of the Polish word kresy (literally: ends, extremities), frontier does not convey the idea of territorial expansion limits. To the contrary, frontier comprehends expansiveness because, as an area without strict confines, it is an undefined border zone which should be maximally enlarged. It corresponds with an American interpretation of the term frontier: that part of a settled, civilized country which lies next to an unexplored or undeveloped region Borderlands are liable to unite or bring closer together some regions and countries; frontiers, on the contrary, generally separate and seclude them. The geographic core and periphery theory shows some resemblances with a sociological conception of centre - periphery relation which considers borderland as a dependent area remote from a centre.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczące identyfikacji terytorialnej ludności zamieszkującej obszar pogranicza województw piotrkowskiego i radomskiego. Do opracowania analiz posłużyły przede wszystkim wyniki badań ankietowych, określenie kierunków i natężenia migracji stałych oraz czasowych, zasięgu oddziaływania potencjalnych miast powiatowych i ich wyposażenie w instytucje o znaczeniu ponadlokalnym. Głównym celem badań było ustalenie preferencji ludności dotyczących przynależności administracyjnego badanego obszaru i jej stosunku do planowanych zmian struktury administracyjnej Polski.
EN
The paper represents the results of a research on the territorial identification of the inhabitants of the border of the voivodships of Piotrków and Radom. The analysis is based on the information gathered from a questionnaire and also on the investigation of the permanent and temporary migrations, of the spatial range of influence of the potential district chief towns and on the listing of the supra-regional appointments in these towns. The main purpose of the study was to determine the inhabitants’ preferences as to the administrative status of the area in question and to examine their attitudes toward the proposals of the new administrative division of Poland. It appears that a large part of responders (45.6%) find the changes of the administrative division desirable. The reform schemas gained the strongest support in the former district chief towns: Tomaszów Mazowiecki and Opoczno. Nevertheless, an absolute majority of responders (51.1%) opted for the present two-tier the administrative system. These are mainly inhabitants of small communal centres who stand in awe of costs and bureaucratic upheaval that would follow the reform. The bulk of those interviewed declared for attachment to the Łódź Voivodship. However, the numbers of its adherents is inversely proportional to the number of proposed voivodships. In case of the division of Poland into 12 regions, over 82% of responders declare their attachment to the Łódź Voivodship. In case of the project of 25 voivodship scheme, this ratio droped to 57.9%.
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