Economic globalization and the intensification of international interdependence have prompted the deepening of the mechanism of political and economic unification. The result of these processes is the penetration of enterprises and the state. The product development and marketing strategies that were the domain of private companies and corporations are being taken over by the public sector. Each item or service must be distinguished from the competing product by the appropriate symbol, name, term or logo called the brand. In the process of globalization, the state has entered the branding sphere. As a result, the concepts of national branding, country branding, and political branding have emerged. The concepts assumed the state as a brand. The purpose of the study is to analyze branding in the context of placing this subject of cognitive research in political studies and to study the problem of defining branding and a brand using the etymology of terms.
Цель статьи состояла в том, чтобы проанализировать смену поколений и наметить особенности отдельных поколений в грузинском обществе. Кроме того, в статье также сопоставляется концепция поколений В. Папавы с концепцией генеральных трендов поколений. Этот анализ позволил автору охарактеризовать молодое поколение грузин на фоне других поколений. Для анализа этой исследовательской проблемы был использован ряд методов исследования, частично основанных на вторичных источниках. Основными методами исследования, использованными в статье, являются метод анализа имеющихся данных и сравнительный метод. Это позволило провести, предложенное В. Папавом, деление на поколения с общей характеристикой мировых тенденций поколений, а также сопоставление различий и сходства в контексте этих понятий. Обзоры вторичных статистических данных Кавказского исследовательского ресурсного центра дополнили вышеуказанные методы, позволив провести углубленный анализ указанных поколений. Эта статья является вкладом в дальнейшее исследование поколенческих трансформаций грузинского общества и является частью серии статей о молодом поколении грузин и их взглядах на демократию и демократизацию.
EN
The article’s purpose is to analyse the generational transformation and outline the characteristics of individual generations. Moreover, the concept of V. Papava indicating generational trends was juxtaposed. The analysis characterises the young generation of Georgians in relation to other generations. I used research methods to solve this research problem based partly on secondary sources. The basic research methods used in the article are the method of analysing existing data and the comparative method, which allowed for juxtaposing the division into generations proposed by V. Papava with the general characteristics of global generation trends. Secondary statistical data studies from the Caucasus Research Resource Center completed the other methods, allowing for a more in-depth analysis of the generations. This article is a snapshot of studies on the generational transformation of Georgian society and is part of a series of articles on the young generation of Georgians and their opinions about democracy and democratisation.
The purpose of the article was to analyze the generational transformation and outline the characteristics of individual generations. Moreover, the concept of V. Papava with the concept pointing to general generational trends was juxtaposed. This analysis allowed me to characterize the young generation of Georgians in relation to other generations. To analyze this research problem, I used a number of research methods based in part on secondary sources. The basic research methods used in the article are the method of analyzing existing data and the comparative method, which allowed for juxtaposing the division into generations proposed by V. Papava with the general characteristics of global generation trends. Secondary statistical data studies from the Caucasus Research Resource Center completed the above-mentioned methods, allowing for a more in-depth analysis of the generations. This article is a snapshot of studies on the generational transformation of Georgian society and is part of the series of articles on the young generation of Georgians and their opinions about democracy and democratization.
Целью статьи является изучение политической активности молодых в Грузии. По мнению авторов, негативное отношение молодежи к общественной и политической жизни может быть связано с политическими процессами, не учитывающими интересы более молодой части общества. Кроме того, молодое поколение в основном проявляет политическую активность в форме протестов. Для анализа этой научной цели мы использовали ряд исследовательских методов (проведены экспертные интервью онлайн с грузинскими исследователями из Тбилисского государственного университета Иване Джавахишвили и государственного университета Илии). Статья является частью серии статей, посвященных мнению молодого поколения в Грузии о демократии и демократизации. Исследование необходимо для анализа восприятия вышеуказанных концепций поколениями в Грузии.
EN
The paper aims to examine the political activity of young Georgians. The research statement of this paper is that the negative attitudes of young people toward social and political life can be attributed to political processes that do not take into account the interests of young people. In addition, the young generation is mostly politically active in the form of protests. To analyze this scientific objective, we have used several research methods based partly on secondary and primary sources, i.e., expert interviews were conducted online with Georgian researchers from Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University and Ilia State University. The paper is part of a series of papers on the opinions of the young generation of Georgians about democracy and democratization. The study is essential for analyzing the perception of the mentioned concepts among the generations in Georgia.
The aim of the paper is to diagnose the use of social media (such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter) by young Georgians (understood as people aged 18-35) in social and political activities to support Ukraine in the context of the ongoing war. The authors assumed that young Georgians use social media to a large extent to support Ukraine as a kind of socio-political activity, thanks to which the attitudes of young people towards the war itself and Georgia's place in this conflict are visible. To meet the above research objective and verify the initial hypothesis, the following research methods were used: (1) the method of analysing existing data – a review of the literature representing Polish researchers was conducted regarding terminological and conceptual issues related to “social activity” and “political activity”; (2) a statistical method with the technique of analysing secondary statistical data collected by the Caucasian Research Resource Centre; (3) the method of qualitative analysis with the technique of researching new media, namely social media, which is currently an important source of information about young people. The research allowed for a preliminary analysis of the importance of this type of new media in socio-political activity undertaken by young people, especially in expressing their opinions and presenting attitudes. The article does not exhaust the selected subject; it is only a study that made the analysis of the meaning and topicality of this issue possible. Such recognition of the research area also provided the opportunity to find a number of empirical methods that can fill the research gap in the context of studying young Georgians, as well as the role of social media in their social and political life.
The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.
By assuming a proactive role in international environmental regimes and extending the ‘green’ dimensions of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been seeking to promote itself as a leader and responsible stakeholder in global environmental governance. This article examines this development concerning the notion of China’s ‘soft power’ and, more specifically, the notion of ‘green soft power’ – which aims to bridge the traditional concept of soft power with a state’s behavior on environmental and climate issues. China presents an interesting case since it has accrued a considerable amount of green soft power through its multilateral environmental diplomacy practiced at the Conferences of the Parties (COPs), the high-profile annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences, but its patchy deployment of environmental standards in the bilateral engagements under the BRI highlights the contradictions in referring to China as a green soft power. With these ideas in mind, this article holds that in the search to understand the evolving nature of China’s responsible stakeholder role, attention should be given to exploring the notion of green soft power.
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