Clerical fascism is among the vaguest and most corrupted terms in the political lexicon. As a result of abuse by the Communist regime for political purposes, it became an ideological label and insult after 1948. The present study attempts to revive this devalued term over the background of an analysis of the political language and ideology of Rodobrana, considered the first fascist movement in Slovakia (1923 – 1929). The study defines clerofascist ideology as a system of opinions, ideas and worldviews, functionally combining clericalism and fascism into a coherent worldview. The presented case study proves that, although clerical fascism has never formed the basis of any European regime, several variously significant political movements, including the Slovak Rodobrana, met its definition criteria. After outlining the methodology and general continental European context of the issue, the study analyses the forms of militarization of Catholicism in Slovakia after 1918, the formation of the concept of mystical ultra-nation, as well as the Rodobrana’s vision of establishing a new religious community. The paper pays special attention to the work performed by the myth of purity in the political language of the Rodobrana, the political instrumentalization of Christ and his sacred blood in the context of creating the “revived nation”.
During the Second World War, Jozef Tiso (1887 – 1947), a Catholic priest, leader of the governing Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, and President of the Slovak State (1939 – 1945), a client state of Nazi Germany, had become an object of political cult that persisted after 1945. After being sentenced to death by the National Court in Bratislava and executed by hanging on 18 April 1947, Tiso was ultimately turned into a martyr in the eyes of the Hlinka’s Party wartime regime’s supporters. His image as a “martyr of the nation, state, Christian faith and the Church” has been formed mainly by those who fled the communist regime and remained in exile from the late 1940s until 1990s. Tiso’s “sacrifice” was massively reflected in exile poetry. The poetry of the Catholic modernist group as well as poems written by occasional poets of nationalistic orientation strongly contributed to the creation of the persona of Jozef Tiso as a martyr – a myth which did not disappear from Slovak politics and culture even after the fall of the communist regime in 1989. Against the background of Tiso’s cult genesis and formation, the article analyses the semiotic dimension of politically engaged poetry, which has shaped his sacralised image in recent decades and led part of Slovak nationalistic organisations in the post-communist milieu to efforts for judicial and moral rehabilitation of Jozef Tiso, as well as his ecclesiastical beatification.
Over the 20th century, the Military Hospital in Ružomberok developed into one of the most significant centres of military health care in Czechoslovakia and Slovakia. The study analyses its development in 1945 – 1968, characterised by the reconstruction of the health care centre after being looted by the German corps, intense construction, modernisation of the spatial and material equipment as well as application of innovative treatments for both military and civilian patients. In addition, the study outlines the everyday life of the Military Hospital in Ružomberok in the context of social movements since the end of the 1940’s until the end of 1960’s.
The paradigm of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (HSĽS) regime, as well as the persecutory measures implemented against fabricated “enemies of the nation” during its reign (October 1938 – April 1945), were based on conspiracy theories. This essay identifies the main ones, pointing out their genesis, intentionality, and ways of operating with them in political practice. The analysis shows that although many conspiracy frames used in wartime Slovakia correlated with narratives in other countries of the fascist Axis, they cannot be considered copy-pastes of rhetoric popularized mostly by Nazi Germany. The text promotes the idea that the conspiratorial thinking of the HSĽS already formed in the late Habsburg monarchy at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, and the changes in international politics in the 1930s only had an effect on their firmer establishment in the political culture of the party and political preferences of its supporters. The basis of this conspiratorial thinking was the fear of liberalism, of the threat to the Christian faith and the Slovak nation by a group of highly sophisticated interconnected “pests” with destructive intentions. Until 1918, it primarily included the Marxist left, capitalists, freemasons, and liberals in general, and after the creation of Czechoslovakia, Czechs, and Jews to an increased extent. The essay emphasizes that precisely the argumentation of conspiracy theories (“imperialism of Prague against Slovakia/Slovaks”, “Jewish Bolshevism”) provided the legitimizing platform for the repressive policy of the HSĽS regime and authorized violence against entire groups of the population that did not belong to the “in-group”.
During the World War II Slovak communities in the „Lower Land“ (Dolná zem/Alföld) gained experiences with new states and political regimes. Due to aggression of Hungarian Kingdom which, as a German ally, annexed parts of Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia in 1938 – 1941, a large part of Lower Land Slovaks temporarily became Hungarian citizens. Other groups of ethnic Slovaks lived in Romania, Ustasha Croatia, occupied territories of Serbia and Bulgaria during the wartime period. Conditions for national and religious life of these communities differed depending on national policy of their new motherlands and local specifics in which they coexisted with other nations and nationalities of this multicultural region. Despite a resolute stance of Slovak Lutherans in Slovakia towards the ruling Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party´s catholic-profiled regime, Lutherans who were a majority among the Lower Land Slovaks did not always share moods of their fellow believers from historical homeland of their ancestors. Lutheran Slovaks in Hungary, Yugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria had not maintained a close contact with the Slovak Republic and its regime. Because of this factor, Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party´s regime could not directly influence the Lower Land Slovaks and exert political or ideological pressure on them. Presented study analyzes to what extent did the unenviable position of Slovak Lutherans in Slovakia mirror in the life of the Lower Land Slovaks, in their perception of Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party and in their attitudes to the Slovak statehood. Taking the local national, cultural and religious specifics of the Lower Land into consideration, it also debates the question why the Lower Land Slovak communities, in general, did not show a passionate pro-regime activism and joy over the independent Slovak State, why they held a neutral, negative or not clearly profiled stance to the political issues regarding the “New Europe” instead and why the traditional cultural aspects like Lutheran faith played a bigger role within their identity than a wartime nationalism.
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