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EN
The article presents German economic policy on the so-called territories annexed to the Reich in the years 1939-1945. The study provides a synthetic overview of the major sources, objectives, stages and means used by the German occupants in implementing their goals in selected areas and branches of economy. The economic policy which was realized on those lands was an important element of building the German 'living space' (Lebensraum) in the East of Europe. Its sources were of an ideological, economic and political character. Racism and a glorification of country life became a foundation for the policy of extermination of foreign ethic groups, Germanization of annexed lands, deportation of their hitherto inhabitants and settlement of German peasants. Factors such as treating the 'lands annexed to the Reich' as colonies in terms of economy, natural conditions, the doctrine of the 'Great Space Economy' (Grossraumwirtschaft) and war demands led to a restructuring of the economy of those territories so as to make them complementary to the economy of the so-called Old Reich accompanied by maximal exploitation of their production and population potential. The plunder of property that Germans practiced on mass scale, a policy of concentrating production, escalation of predatory economy and destruction resulting from military operations led to an economic degradation and significant civilizational regress of those areas.
EN
AT the turn of the 20th century in Germany a model of agricultural politics was developed based upon protectionism and interventionism. An active role in its shaping was played by agricultural organisations, especially the German Agrarian League (Bund der Landwirte – BdL), established in 1893, and a whole host of regional Farmers Associations, which in 1900were merged to create the Association of German Farmers Associations (Die Vereinigung der deutschen Bauernvereine – VdB). Following WWII this organisation was superceded by the German Farmers Association (Deutscher Bauernverband – DBV), which represented a continuation in both ideological terms, and of personnel. The aim of the article is to present the genesis of the DBV and its political thinking, the mechanisms of its influence on domestic and foreign agricultural policies in West Germany between 1949 and 1969, and the results achieved. The DBV was a disciplined and centralised organisation, which managed to achieve a high level of organisation amongst farmers, reaching an average level of 90% of thise employed in this economic sector. In light of this analysis, it is possible to state that the DBV was one of the most effective lobby groups in West Germany. In the period under discussion it managed to achieve all of its primary objectives, despite a decline in the position of the agrarian economy, its shrinking social base, and – in the late 1960s – an increase in public criticism of existing agricultural policies. The basis of the aforementioned success was the close connection with the governing parties during this period, specifically the CDU and CSU, who in return for electoral support implemented the political postulates of the Association.
PL
Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku w Niemczech wyodrębnił się model polityki rolnej oparty na protekcjonizmie i interwencjonizmie rolnym. Aktywny udział w jej kszta łtowaniu brały organizacje rolnicze, w tym szczególnie założony w 1893 r. Związek Rolników (Bund der Landwirte – BdL) oraz szereg regionalnych Związków Chłopskich, które w 1900 r. utworzyły Zjednoczenie Niemieckich Związków Chłopskich (Die Vereinigung der deutschen Bauernvereine – VdB). Po II wojnie światowej ich miejsce zajął Związek Niemieckich Chłopów (Deutscher Bauernverband – DBV), który ogłosił się ich kontynuatorem zarówno pod względem ideologicznym, jak i personalnym. Celem niniejszych rozważań jest przedstawienie genezy DBV i jego myśli politycznej, mechanizmów wpływu na wewnętrzną i zagraniczną politykę rolną RFN w latach 1949–1969 oraz ich rezultatów. DBV był scentralizowaną i zdyscyplinowaną organizacją, której udało się uzyskać bardzo wysoki stopień zorganizowania rolników, średnio osiągający poziom 90% zatrudnionych w tej gałęzi gospodarki. W świetle przeprowadzonej analizy można stwierdzić, że DBV należało do najskuteczniejszych instytucji lobbingowych w RFN. W omawianym okresie zdołał zreal izować wszystkie swoje najważniejsze cele pomimo malejącej pozycji gospodarczej rolnictwa i kurczącej się bazy społecznej oraz narastającej w drugiej połowie lat 60. krytyki dotychczasowej polityki rolnej ze strony opinii publicznej. Podstawą tego sukcesu była ścisła współpraca z partiami rządzącymi w tym okresie w RFN, w tym szczególnie z CDU i CSU, które w zamian za głosy wyborcze związanych z DBV rolników realizowały postulaty polityczne i gospodarcze Związku.
EN
One of the most complex processes in the history of the EEC was to create an institutional and financial basis for Common Agricultural Policy. Advocated by France, the integration of European agriculture on the one hand was perceived in the FRG as a threat to the existence of hundreds of thousands of German farms, and on the other hand as a valuable bargaining chip for achieving fundamental objectives of its foreign policy in the 1950s and 60s, that is, to overcome international isolation and integrate politically and economically with the West. The article presents motives and decisions made by the FRG authorities with regard to the ideas of Western European integration of agriculture and the subsequent stages of the construction of the CAP in the years 1949-1969. Politicians of the CDU and the CSU responsible for managing agricultural affairs were slowing down the integration process of the agricultural market of the EEC acting under the pressure of a protectionist approach of the German Farmers' Association. Eventually however they were forced to agree to the creation of the CAP and its costly organizational and financing processes. West German agricultural policy was an integral part of general foreign policy and the consent to the creation of the CAP was the price that the FRG agreed to pay in exchange for the opportunity to implement their fundamental political and economic objectives, even though it limited possibilities of internal agricultural policy, was expensive for the budget and weakened the political influence of the CDU / CSU in the rural environment.
EN
One of the most complex processes in the history of the EEC was to create an institutional and financial basis for Common Agricultural Policy. Advocated by France, the integration of European agriculture on the one hand was perceived in the FRG as a threat to the existence of hundreds of thousands of German farms, and on the other hand as a valuable bargaining chip for achieving fundamental objectives of its foreign policy in the 1950s and 60s, that is, to overcome international isolation and integrate politically and economically with the West. The article presents motives and decisions made by the FRG authorities with regard to the ideas of Western European integration of agriculture and the subsequent stages of the construction of the CAP in the years 1949-1969. Politicians of the CDU and the CSU responsible for managing agricultural affairs were slowing down the integration process of the agricultural market of the EEC acting under the pressure of a protectionist approach of the German Farmers' Association. Eventually however they were forced to agree to the creation of the CAP and its costly organizational and financing processes. West German agricultural policy was an integral part of general foreign policy and the consent to the creation of the CAP was the price that the FRG agreed to pay in exchange for the opportunity to implement their fundamental political and economic objectives, even though it limited possibilities of internal agricultural policy, was expensive for the budget and weakened the political influence of the CDU / CSU in the rural environment.
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