Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 5

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Dėl 1918 m. kovo 23 d. Lietuvos valstybingumo pripažinimo iš kaizerinės Vokietijos pusės

100%
Gimžauskas E.
Lietuvos istorijos metraštis
|
2022
|
issue 1
105-130
EN
The article focuses on an outstanding episode from the period when the Act of Independence of Lithuania of 16 February 1918 was proclaimed: just over a month later, Germany recognised the statehood of Lithuania. Although this event was undoubtedly significant for the establishment and consolidation of an independent state, due to various circumstances it has not been adequately discussed and evaluated in Lithuanian historiography until now. For a long time, such research was hindered by a limited base of available sources. The increased availability of German archival material and the appearance of new fundamental studies on the period of the First World War in Lithuania by foreign authors provided an opportunity for corresponding Lithuanian research.
LT
Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas ryškus laikotarpio, kai 1918 m. buvo paskelbtas Vasario 16-osios Lietuvos Nepriklausomybės aktas, epizodas – kiek daugiau nei po mėnesio Vokietija pripažino Lietuvos valstybingumą. Nors šis įvykis neabejotinai buvo reikšmingas nepriklausomos valstybės sukūrimui ir įtvirtinimui, dėl įvairiausių aplinkybių jis ligi šiol nesulaukė deramo aptarimo ir įvertinimo lietuviškoje istoriografijoje. Ilgą laiką pagrindinė kliūtis tyrimui buvo ribota prieinamų šaltinių bazė. Padidėjus vokiškosios archyvinės medžiagos prieinamumui, atsiradus naujiems fundamentaliems užsienio autorių tyrimams, susijusiems su Pirmojo pasaulinio karo laikotarpiu Lietuvoje, atsirado galimybė ir atitinkamiems lietuviškiems tyrinėjimams.
2
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Vokiečių demokratijos šauklys M. Erzbergeris Vasario 16-osios kontekste

100%
Gimžauskas E.
Lietuvos istorijos metraštis
|
2004
|
issue 2
93-114
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Vilniaus politinio lietuviškumo klausimas 1919 m. sausį

100%
Gimžauskas E.
Lietuvos istorijos metraštis
|
2013
|
issue 2
143-171
EN
In the beginning of the 20th century actors of the Lithuanian national movement unequivocally saw Vilnius as the capital of the projected modern state. This attitude became most obvious at the end of World War I, when the time came to make particular decisions. Since Lithuanians ethnically made up a meagre minority of the city’s population, they needed support from groups of foreign-born citizens in order to implement their goal. At the end of 1918, agreements in this direction were reached with representatives of the Belarusians and Jews, however, the most influential and powerful group – the Poles – would not agree to any compromise that would favour Lithuanians; on the contrary, they strived to integrate into the reviving state of Poland. In the junction of 1918 and 1919, the political Lithuanity of Vilnius was first and foremost represented by the establishment of the highest governmental institutions, such as the Council of Lithuania and the Government. The attitude of the Poles resulted in the fact that on 2 January 1919 the Government under the leadership of M. Sleževičius decided to relocate to Kaunas where the chances of receiving the support of ethnic citizens and on its basis organize resistance against the advancing bolshevism were much higher. However, Vilnius was not entirely stripped of the representation of political Lithuanity as these functions were assigned to the General Representative of the Government and the city’s military commandant’s headquarters. These Lithuanian institutions managed to avoid armed clashes with the Poles who made attempts to establish their order in the city, though the latter did not pursue conflict either, being already involved in chaotic struggles at first with the Vilnius workers’ council and later with Red Army soldiers. As it became obvious that the Poles would not withstand the Bolsheviks, for Lithuanians it was politically important not to withdraw from Vilnius before the Poles. As the latter were retreating, soldiers of the Lithuanian commandant’s headquarters also left Vilnius on the 5th of January. General Representative M. Biržiška stayed in the city in the situation of the Bolsheviks’ rule and changed the tactics, initiating the assignment of the key functions of the representation of political Lithuanity to Lithuanian intellectuals of Vilnius. Initially the intellectuals to a certain extent cooperated with V. Kapsukas’ regime and even got involved into its structures, however, associated the nature of relations with the conformity of the Lithuanity, declared by the authorities, with reality. As with time the said Lithuanity raised more and more doubts to the intellectuals, the relations deteriorated. At the end of January there was obvious opposition of Lithuanian intellectuals to the authorities, enhanced by the attitude of independent Lithuania towards the Bolsheviks.
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Vilniečių nuostatos ir Vilniaus politinio lietuviškumo klausimas 1918 m. lapkričio–gruodžio mėn.

100%
Gimžauskas E.
Lietuvos istorijos metraštis
|
2012
|
issue 2
83-108
EN
Wandering away from the tradition entrenched in historiography, the article offers an attempt to view the processes in the Vilnius of late 1918 from a more objective perspective, i.e. from a point of view other than that of one way or another engaged renowned state figures of that time, attempting to analyse and estimate the proportion of power in the then society of Vilnius. The Lithuanian elite which in the years of WWI decisively took the direction towards its own ethnocentric state with the capital in Vilnius faced a really serious challenge – to gain over the non-Lithuanians of Vilnius. It was the only possible way to incorporate Vilnius into the design of Lithuania as the percentage of Lithuanians in the city was minor. However, in the years of the war institutions representing other nationalities were being established and developed in the old capital and gradually turning into centres of their political consolidation opposing the aspirations of Lithuanians. Therefore, the efforts of the Lithuanian elite had little success for quite a long time. It was not until the end of 1918 that, with regard to geopolitical changes in the region, the possibility of political compromise became visible. At that time Lithuanians were granted the support of the Belarusian centre and part of the Jews (Zionists). The Polish, however, were strictly following hard-line national policy and were focused on reviving Poland. The newly formed power – the Soviet of Vilnius – was increasingly inclined towards Bolshevik Russia. Fragile balance between different political forces operating in the city that was still in existence in the last days of 1918, still allowed to view the society of Vilnius as a bound together whole and hope for its natural consolidation in the civil Lithuanian state. But Polish officers, by taking the decision to become part of the Polish military force, violated the balance and opened the door to military intervention of external forces, thus starting a new stage in the development of Vilnius society.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Vokietijos Pirmojo pasaulinio karo tikslai rytuose: istorijos ir istoriografijos vingiai

100%
Gimžauskas E.
Lietuvos istorijos metraštis
|
2014
|
issue 2
125-153
EN
The author of the article focuses his attention of the key question – to what extent is the stereotype that in the period of World War I Germany without reservations sought the annexation of the occupied territories in the East valid? For a lengthy period of time the said thesis had no alternatives in Lithuanian historiography and was not even questioned. The Soviet Russian historiography, on the basis of which its Lithuanian counterpart was developed in the second half of the 20th century, initially based on ideological clichés, did not allow the public opinion to raise any doubts with regard to the proposition that Germany not only in World War I but in general permanently sought the occupation of territories in the East. Eventually, as a result of academic impulses from the West, scholarliness in the Soviet historiography on the issue gradually increased and at least variations in tactics manifested by German political layers with regard to the East started being perceived and recorded. However, the concept of “annexation” of the scholarly derivation was utilized widely and freely, making use of the fact that western historiography did not dispute the manifestations of factual annexation in the German policy of that period. On the whole, Lithuanian inquiries into World War I period during the Soviet era were characterized by absolute stagnation, and from the academic point of view only Abelis Stražas might be singled out. Among Lithuanian researchers in emigration Pranas Čepėnas significantly contributed to the investigation. Only after the restoration of Lithuania’s independence, a quality work by Raimundas Lopata saw daylight; the concept of “annexation” however, was not subjected to a wider consideration therein. The aforesaid researcher made a separate reference to the proposal of Oleg Fedyshyn, American historian of Ukrainian descent, namely to distinguish at least five German conceptions with regard to the objectives of the War whose potential during the War was utilized as required by the German ruling classes; annexation was just one among them. As the factual annexationrelated manifestations in the German policy were started being recorded only in the second half of 1915, the natural question arises – what was prior to this term? The initial stages of the War are poorly covered in Lithuanian historiography. A more thorough inquiry into the issue reveals that at the moment of the outburst of the War and in its first few weeks German plans in the East could have been defined as aspirations to solve the socalled “Polish question” by means of establishing the satellite state of Poland. At that time the German policy was dominated by the “Polish trend” as distinguished by O. Fedyshyn. The project was to extend Poland in the northeastern direction including ethnic Lithuania which disagreed with the aspirations of the Lithuanian national movement. However, already in September 1914, with the collapse of the “blitzkrieg” hopes, the role of the “Polish direction” decreased and Germany became more interested in the opportunities offered by other rival conceptions, including that of annexation.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.