Enslaving and victimising the poor by criminals within and outside governments of underdeveloped countries is gaining attention of academics in the social sciences. This article clarifies inter-relationships among modern slavery and trafficking in girls/women for sexual exploitation. It also shows how vulnerability of people victimised by the crime has been increased by policies deriving from neo-liberalism. To facilitate explication of the variables/issues, the study was based on the theoretical/doctrinal and political aspects of neo-liberalism, coinciding with scenarios of declining welfare, increasing susceptibility/vulnerability of Nigeria’s poor (non-elite) and massive unemployed youth to out-migration and traffickers in persons. The explicated issues include modern slavery (generally and trafficking in Nigerian girls/women for sexual exploitation abroad) as well as the relationships among treasury looting and stashing of the loot in the banks of the global North. It is explained how declining welfare (i.e. multiple-dimensional adversities e.g. unemployment) provokes desires in the unemployed to out-migrate and increases their susceptibility to trafficking in persons. Finally, the article is concluded.
Scholars and practitioners concerned with geoinformation, cyber cartography, development studies, and other subjects increasingly explore crowdsourcing and its huge advantages for development. Some have advocated it for adoption/promotion by government as a means of citizen engagement. The objective of this article is to increase the appreciation of the contribution that crowdsourcing can make towards resolving challenges associated with disadvantaged urbanisation in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). We review urban challenges of SSA and three practices of crowdsourcing: volunteered geographic information (VGI), Citizen Science (CS), and Participatory Mapping (PM). Then we examine problems associated with the advocacy for government adoption of those practices in SSA. We argue that civil society collaboration with an international governmental organisation (IGO) instead of government promises a better way of adopting and promoting them. This suggestion is based on the fact that work related to this strategy is carried out by a global coalition of civil society, the UN-NGLS. This strategy promises a more rapid way of taking advantage of fast-tracking public engagement in the economic region, SSA.
This paper reports results of geodemographic-spatial analyses of physical health-care facilities in Nigeria’s 36 states and federal capital. Apart from facilitating understanding of the interaction between health facilities and population sizes and their characteristics in the states, the geodemographic-spatial analyses proved useful in ranking shares of health facilities in Nigeria’s states/territory. The findings show distributions (per capita shares) of various health-care facilities in the following states: highest shares of public (primary and secondary) health facilities and fair share of tertiary facilities in Kogi; lowest per capita shares of public and private primary health care facilities in Ebonyi; highest per capita share of private health facilities in Nasarawa (primary), Anambra (secondary) and Oyo (tertiary); highest total private health facilities of all levels due to the large number of its private primary health facilities in Nasarawa. The results show how the policies of governments and private organizations providing health services responded to health needs of state populations and highlight areas requiring further research. The policy implications of the study include the need to apply geodemographic and spatial analyses as part of the criteria for determining policy for providing or allocating health facilities in the states/territory.
Although famous for being sub-Saharan Africa’s and Africa’s most populous, one of the largest, and second largest economy in sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria has for decades been confronted with the paradox of presenting gross poverty afflicting a disproportionably large proportion of its population (70.2%–90.8%) recently. While the recurrent mantra has been that the monstrous poverty should be confronted with drastic measures before it engulfs the country, these so-called drastic measures including their theoretical and academic unraveling are yet to be adequately undertaken. The factors responsible for the escalation of poverty such as low productivity, poor industrial relations, and worldwide leadership in perpetration of corruption, among others have been largely ignored, underplayed and misunderstood. This paper examines the dismal state of industrial relations in Nigeria. The method of temporal analysis was employed to show the historical exhibition of “trade disputes, work stoppages”, workers involvement in trade disputes and loss of human work-days over a 34 year period (1970–2004). The findings were that: the highest number of workers involvement in industrial action in Nigeria was 2,874,721 people in 1982 while the lowest was 9,494 in 1998. Human work-day losses were high in 1982 (9,652,400 days) and least (27,072 days) in 1970. The highest number of work stoppages (755) occurred in 1979 while the least (11) occurred in 1998. The era of military dictatorship witnessing higher work stoppages occurred. It is argued that the Obasanjo dictatorship attitude spilled over into the Fourth Republic (1999–2007) when a large proportion of work stoppages occurred. The implication of this finding for policy is that the need to build democratic attitude institutions and processes for strengthening harmonious industrial relations is urgent and imperative in Nigeria.
PL
Mimo że Nigeria ma największą wśród afrykańskich krajów subsaharyjskich liczbę ludności i jest drugą pod względem wielkości gospodarką w Afryce subsaharyjskiej, to przez dziesiątki lat doświadczała potwornej biedy, w ostatnim okresie dotykającej nieproporcjonalnie ogromnej części jej ludności (70,2–90,8%). Chociaż jak mantra wracało twierdzenie, że należy przedsięwziąć drastyczne środki, zanim straszliwe ubóstwo ogarnie cały kraj, to jednak postulowane działania, oparte na rozwiązaniach teoretycznych i naukowych, wciąż okazują się niewystarczające.Czynniki powodujące eskalację ubóstwa, takie jak niska wydajność, złe stosunki pomiędzy pracodawcami a pracownikami i korupcja – jedna z największych na świecie – są ignorowane, bagatelizowane i pojmowane niewłaściwie. W niniejszej pracy zbadano fatalne relacje między pracodawcami a pracownikami w Nigerii. Zastosowano metodę długookresowej analizy w celu ukazania z perspektywy historycznej „handlowych dysput, przestojów w pracy”, zaangażowania pracowników w spory handlowe oraz straty dni roboczych na przestrzeni 34 lat (1970–2004). Ustalono, że największa liczba pracowników zaangażowanych w akcje pracownicze w Nigerii wyniosła 2 874 721 – w 1982 r., zaś najniższa – 9 494 – w 1998 r. Znaczne straty dni roboczych miały miejsce w 1982 r. (9 652 400 dni), zaś najniższe (27 072 dni) w 1970 r. Największą liczbę przestojów w pracy (755) odnotowano w 1979 r., zaś najniższą (11) w 1998 r. Przestoje w pracy miały miejsce, gdy rozpoczęła się era dyktatury wojskowej. Dyktatura Obasanjo miała pośredni wpływ na Czwartą Republikę, kiedy to wystąpiła ogromna część przestojów. W związku z tym rząd powinien jak najszybciej stworzyć instytucje demokratyczne i przeprowadzić procesy mające na celu umocnienie harmonijnych stosunkówmiędzy pracodawcami a pracownikami.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.