This article analyses the concept of the official misconduct of the Roman Catholic clergy in the sphere of the civil authorities in the so-called Northwest region (which comprised the dioceses of Vilnius and Samogitia [Telšiai]) in the decades from the Uprising uf 1863–1864 to the beginning of the 20th century. It also dwells on the legal situation of Catholic clergymen, and the practice of their punishment that developed after the January Uprising. A more detailed inquiry into the ways clergymen were punished for their official misconduct is aimed at disclosing not only the attitude of the civil government towards the clergy, but also the social standing of the clergymen in the society of those times, and the attitude towards their duties.
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Straipsnyje analizuojama, kokia Romos katalikų dvasininkų tarnybos prasižengimų samprata funkcionavo pasaulietinės valdžios sferoje vadinamajame Šiaurės vakarų krašte (jam priklausiusiose Vilniaus ir Žemaičių (Telšių) vyskupijose) dešimtmečiais po 1863–1864 m. sukilimo ir iki XX a. pradžios. Nagrinėjama katalikų dvasininkų luomo teisinė situacija ir bausmė dvasininkams skyrimo praktika, besiformavusi po 1863–1864 m. sukilimo. Detaliau aptariant bausmes dvasininkams už tarnybos prasižengimus siekiama parodyti ne tik pasaulietinės valdžios požiūrį į dvasininkų luomą, bet ir dvasininkų socialinę laikyseną anuometinėje visuomenėje, požiūrį į savo luomo pareigas.
Straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip Vilniaus ir Žemaičių (Telšių) vyskupijų parapijos dvasininkų tarnystę ir gyvenseną veikė socialinė (ir politinė, kultūrinė) realybė, kaip socialinės kultūrinės normos, valdžios politikos lūkesčiai įsiterpė į dvasininkų gyvenseną ir savivoką, kaip tai atsispindėjo santykiuose dvasininkų luomo viduje bei santykiuose su tikinčiųjų bendruomene.
The article analyses how the social structures of the laity, established and managed by the Church, expressed themselves in the context of the sanctions imposed on the Catholic Church by the secular authorities after the uprising of 1863–1864. The structures studied are lay associations: church fraternities (whose members were both men and women) and the so-called tertiaries, i.e., the members of Third Orders of monastic orders (in the nineteenth century, they were primarily associated with the name of St Francis). These structures contributed to the formation of the religious identity of the community and society, which was significant for the nationalisms of the second half of the nineteenth century (in the above-mentioned dioceses, Polish, Lithuanian, Belarusian, and Russian nationalisms manifested themselves). The religious and social life organised by laity associations also had a mobilising effect on the community.
LT
Straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip po 1863–1864 m. sukilimo Katalikų Bažnyčiai pasaulietinės valdžios taikytų sankcijų kontekste reiškėsi pasauliečių socialinės struktūros, kurias steigė ir kurioms vadovavo Bažnyčia. Tiriamos struktūros – pasauliečių asociacijos – bažnytinės brolijos (jų nariai buvo ir vyrai, ir moterys), taip pat vienuolijų tretieji ordinai – vadinamieji tretininkai (jie XIX a. pirmiausia sieti su Šv. Pranciškaus vardu). Šios struktūros prisidėjo formuojant bendruomenės ir visuomenės religinę tapatybę, kuri buvo reikšminga XIX a. antrosios pusės nacionalizmams (minėtose vyskupijose reiškėsi lenkų, lietuvių, baltarusių, rusų nacionalizmai). Pasauliečių asociacijų organizuotas religinis, socialinis gyvenimas turėjo ir bendruomenę mobilizuojantį poveikį.
In this research the concept of mobility is used in the sense of the freedom of movement and analysed as a feature instrumental of the representatives of the class of the Roman Catholic clergy when conducting the functions of pastoral care assigned to the said class, and, in addition, generally characterising the potential of the social communication within the society. The goal of the research is to record measures of the authorities that provided for the mobility of clergymen following the uprising of 1863–1864, and analyse the practice of their application in the dioceses of Samogitia (Telšiai) and Vilnius. Analysis of the practice of measure application is aimed at a more universal, dynamic and colourful picture revealing details and aspects that distinctively characterize both the policy of the authorities and the estate of the clergy. Following the uprising of 1863–1864 the authorities in the so-called Northwestern province strived to control not only the social mobility of clergymen, but also their movements within parishes and dioceses (clergymen travelling to locations of their service or temporary duty journeys to cover for the parish priest, participating in church celebrations – feast days – in other parishes, participating in other religious practices, for example, 40-hour service, spiritual exercises for priests, funerals, etc.). All clergymen’s trips of this type required authorization from the secular authorities. Control of social mobility and mobility in general made up a group of interrelated instruments. There were attempts of the central government to unify the administration of the whole of the Northwestern region and sanction the administrative orders of the local government by means of the Emperor’s decrees. However, the activities of Roman Catholic clergymen, including the instruments regulating their mobility, were not listed among those entitled to change. Control of the activities of Roman Catholic clergymen was left in the hands of governors general. The variety of circular notes afforded grounds for officers’ improvisations and lawlessness. Restraints to clergymen’s mobility (trips within the boundaries of the governorate and rendering of religious services outside the parish) were repealed following the Emperor’s decree of 12 December 1904. This was one of the few repealed instruments regulating the activities of Roman Catholic clergymen. In the beginning of the 20th century, the central government classified them as measures conditioned by non-political reasons and thus these instruments were cancelled, however, in the decades of their application the political constituent in them was considered to be of importance. Mobility control instruments, embodied in the circular notes of the central and local governments and applied after the uprising of 1863–1864 with regard to Roman Catholic clergymen of the Northwestern region, reveal the distrust that the authorities demonstrated towards this social group and the scope of its control. Measures of control remained unchanged for several decades and later were only stiffened. The new circular notes that were issued in the first half of the 1880s tightened the control and, alongside mobility control, also regulated participation of clergymen in religious practices as well as rendering of pastoral care related duties. Restrictions to the mobility of clergymen related to the fulfilment of the functions of pastoral care were aimed at a different regulation of religious life and change of the tradition of religious practices in dioceses. The authorities viewed clergymen as individuals that were employed in the state civil service and were part of the clergy estate, thus motivating the application of regulating measures; on the other hand, the political aspect, though bestowed less attention in the argumentation, was of greater importance than the social aspect.
The geography and chronology of the research cover the dioceses of Samogitia (Telšiai) and vilnius which were organized within the administrative boundaries of the so called Northwestern region and had about 1,000 Roman Catholic priests involved in the activities of pastoral care. However, the investigation is aimed at the confessional institutional structure influential of the society rather than a group of people. Chronological framework of the research from the late 18th to the early 20th century covers a period marked by significant changes in both secular and ecclesiastical spheres – in december 1882 an agreement between the Apostolic Throne and Russia was signed and the last decade of the 19th century saw the publication of the new editions of the Law on the Spiritual Issues of Infidels and Laws about Estates. The decree on religious tolerance issued on April 17, 1905 and providing background for the qualitatively new conditions for the church/churches in the Russian Empire is considered the finishing point of the investigation. In the Russian Empire the legal status of Roman Catholic clergy assigned to liturgical service through the laying on of hands ritual was defined by the Laws about Estates (Законы о Состоянiяхъ), laws regulating the role of the Catholic Church - institution and community – in the country and other legal acts related to social relations in the Empire including items relevant to the confessants and clergymen of the religion in question. The legal status of the Catholic Church and Catholic clergy in the so called Northwestern region was defined not only by the items and paragraphs of the abovementioned laws, but also by the peculiar attitude of the secular authorities towards the Catholic clergy viewing it as a social group in the region that in the rhetoric of the secular leadership was referred to as “the Russian land from everlasting”. The investigation interconnected the legal definition of the estate of the Roman Catholic clergy and the construction of its identity in the so called Northwestern region, hence the latter is analysed with regard to the attitude of the secular authorities towards the estate under consideration in the concrete socio-cultural context. The view that laws reflect the attitude of the leadership towards the subject defined in them – in this case the estate, and that laws help shape values and standards for the assessment of your own and other people’s opinion relevant to the construction of identity was observed in the formulation of the said objective of research. A number of aspects are applicable in the research of identity yet the author opted for the analysis of the attitude of the authorities/bureaucracy towards the estate in question. Analysis of historiography suggested that in Lithuanian, Russian and Western historiographies the situation of the Roman Catholic clergy in the Russian Empire was mostly studied as an aspect of other issues related to the national and confessional policy of the Empire rather than a separate object of research. Much less investigation has been made into the situation of the Roman Catholic clergy as a separate estate. In the recent works of Russian researchers focusing on the social structure of the Empire the Roman Catholic clergy as a separate estate is for the most part eliminated from the field of investigation. Historiographies in the English language have also adopted such attitude. Paul W. Werth’s research is an exception. The general national, confessional and social policy of the leadership in the so called Northwestern region was accountable for the treatment of the estate of the Roman Catholic clergy in the region. The employment of the term general policy does not a priori presuppose that it was single and unanimous from the point of view of both rhetoric and political practice. The author considered it important to supplement the overview of historiography with both - concrete studies of the situation of the Roman Catholic clergy as a separate estate and works reconstructing and analysing a broader political context especially those which assess the confessional policy of the authorities and analyse it with regard to the Roman Catholic clergy.
The article dwells on the legal status of the Roman Catholic Clergy – people assigned to liturgical service through the laying on of hands ritual – in the dioceses of Samogitia (Telšiai) and Vilnius of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The investigation interconnected the legal definition of the estate of the Roman Catholic clergy and the construction of its identity in the so called Northwestern region, hence the latter is analysed with regard to the attitude of the secular authorities towards the estate under consideration in the concrete socio-cultural context. The view that laws reflect the attitude of the leadership towards the subject defined in them – in this case the estate – and that laws help shape values and standards for the assessment of your own and other people’s opinion relevant to the construction of identity was observed in the formulation of the said objective of research. The content of laws, their drafts and other administrative acts as well as practice of their implementation and motives of application/non-application in a certain socio-cultural environment were of great importance for the assessment of the legal definition of the estate of the Roman Catholic clergy and analysis of the construction of the said estate’s identity. The research was primary focused around the means designed to distinguish and administrate the estate of Roman Catholic clergy as well as regulate its activities. A variety of aspects are applicable in the research of identity yet the author opted for the analysis of the attitude of the authorities/bureaucracy towards the estate in question. In the last decades of the 19th century reversion to traditional social hierarchy and distrust of the lower classes were observed in the politics pursued by the central authorities. As they were accountable for the augment of the estate of Roman Catholic clergy in the Catholic dioceses of the so called Northwestern region, it was yet another argument to show mistrust in the representatives of the said estate, even though the secular authorities viewed clergymen as protectors of the society’s morals and warrantors of its social stability. The last decades of the 19th century in the so called Northwestern region saw the attempts of local administrators to increase the regulation and control of Roman Catholic clergymen, though it sometimes contradicted the leadership’s once pursued reform-based attempts to legally regulate administration of the region. In the late 19th – early 20th century the central authorities admitted that it was necessary to establish legal system of administration of the Northwestern region and compile the orders of local administration into laws. In the rhetoric of the government the aspiration for reforms was occurring frequently, yet in practice changes were few and far between. The attitude of central and local authorities towards the Roman Catholic clergy ranged from rather liberal to overtly radical. An important factor was the standpoint of certain personalities (Minister of the Interior, Governor General). The institutions of governor-general and governor were rivalling, their relations were full of tension and marked by differences in opinions. No unanimous position of the authorities towards the estate of Roman Catholic clergy could be established. The above described variety observable in the last decades of the 19th – early 20th century had little impact on the situation of the Roman Catholic clergy as a separate class as the authorities, first and foremost, viewed and structured it into the context of political rather than social administrative means of the so called Northwestern region. Peculiarities characterizing the estate of the clergy, as set forth in the Laws about Estates (for example, reward scheme, enrolment into lists of clergymen, admission to relevant educational institutions), manifested clear political content in the so called Northwestern region. In the last decades of the 19th – early 20th century the politics towards the Roman Catholic clergy as an estate pursued by Russia was characterized by the fact that even though the said social group was incorporated into the general category of the clergyman’s class and sustained certain privileges attributable to the clergy, Catholic clergymen formed a separate social group the legal definition of which was regulated not only by legislative acts but also by administrative decisions of local authorities which preconditioned improvisations of the said authorities when constructing social identity of people representing the abovementioned estate. Catholic clergy remained a closed social group, though on the one hand, integration and loyalty, i.e. “official” loyal identity, was expected from them, on the other hand, their social significance, social vertical and horizontal mobility was apparently restricted and regulated. Last decades of the 19th century were characterized by rhetoric of the secular authorities: in the light of the empire’s legal reform attempts to readjust and review administrative orders regulating activities of the Roman Catholic clergy and ensure their conformity to laws were declared. In practice attempts to reform usually implied a more thorough control of various segments of the Roman Catholic clergy rather than liberalization of the regulation of their social activity. Government’s measures regulating the clergy’s activities, i.e. manifestation of their social identity, were not liberalized but became more thorough, so to say more sophisticated, as they regulated and encompassed more spheres of Roman Catholic clergymen’s activities and reached towards their more personal bearing. In the last decades of the 19th century local administration in particular strived to sustain and enhance control over the estate in question extending it to the control of personal freedom. The estate of Roman Catholic clergymen in the so called Northwestern region remained more of a political rather than social concept. The Roman Catholic clergy formally sustained the parameters for the clergymen’s class set forth in the laws of Russia, however, did not have the use of all of them.
The estate of the Roman Catholic clergy in the Russian Empire of the 19th century was a social structure characterized by a peculiar social mobility of its representatives. The said mobility was conditioned by the tradition of the Church and regulated by the legislation of the state. The goal of this research is to analyse the social mobility related possibilities for the representatives of the Roman Catholic clergy and factors influential of such mobility in the period from the end of the January Uprising (1863–1864) to the early 20th century. The research covers the dioceses of Vilnius and Samogitia (Telšiai). It has been ascertained that the attitude of the secular authorities towards the Catholic Church and its clergymen, which showed through during the January Uprising, had an effect on the situation of the clergy. Already before the Uprising the social mobility of the clergy was regulated not only by the church, but also by secular authorities. After the Uprising, the government sought to take over control of the factual formation of the class and social mobility of its representatives. Local authorities implemented the said tasks by means of administrative orders. The latter either partially echoed the laws or delegated the function of control to the highest administrative power. Certain changes in the policy pursued by the secular authorities and measures regulating the social mobility of the clergy may be detected in the period before the beginning of the 20th century, however, both – the local and the central government retained their attitude towards the control of the social mobility. Notwithstanding, the trend of democratization of the Roman Catholic clergy, which gained prominence in the second half of the 19th century and became obvious in the last decades of the century, cannot be directly associated with the deliberate policy pursued by the government. The government placed little credit in the lower classes and did not encourage their representatives to become clergymen. However, a constant increase in the numbers of townspeople and peasants rather than noblemen entering the class of the clergy was observed. The former viewed the option as a possibility to ascend to a higher social status, tax immunity and exemption from military service. We lack contextual research of the religious culture of the society, however, it can be stated that a decrease in the calling for priesthood in the social environment of the traditional elite – the nobility – was observed. Due to the hierarchical structure of the Church there were different social groups inside the clergy and changes in the status of clergymen. Pursuant to the teaching of the Church, assignment of a clergyman to a place of service is a part of the bishop’s pastoral activities and expression of his concern with proper care of the needs of the congregation. Secular authorities also had aspirations to control the social mobility of clergymen and their career opportunities. Already in the first half of the 19th century, following the abolishment of the right of patronage, the state took over the rights of the patrons of Catholic and Greek Catholic Church, whereas the rights of the bishop were not extended. The bishop could assign a clergyman to a position in a parish or another benefice only after agreeing his candidacy with the governorate’s administration and conducting the reliability screening. After the Uprising, the Governor General himself became involved in the bureaucratic control. In the openings stages of the research we made an assumption that the analysis of the social mobility of the clergy and the recording/nonrecording of its dynamics allows a more thorough assessment of modernization processes in a society as well as the status of the clergy in this process and supplements the picture pertaining to the functioning of the clergy in the society after the January Uprising. The increasing social mobility is an indicator of the formation of the modern society, though it is only one among multiple other parameters characterizing the said process. Possibilities for the social mobility of the Roman Catholic clergy in the Russian Empire after the January Uprising could not support the assumption regarding the formation of the modern society. Gregory L. Freeze claims that Russia’s national educational and social policy encouraged social mobility2 which is obvious in the reforms of the 1860s aimed at eroding the seclusion of the Orthodox clergy. However, the government’s attitude towards the Roman Catholic clergy was based more on political rather than social categories, it perceived the peculiarity of the formation of this class and thus did not incite its social mobility, focusing on the social bearing of its members and striving to control it instead.
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