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1

Hornická tradice jako téma česko-saské přeshraniční spolupráce

100%
Novotný L.
Urbanismus a územní rozvoj
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2017
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issue 2
17-21
EN
Dealing with the mining industry and its importance for current Bohemian-Saxon cross-border collaboration, this article presents the results of a survey carried out in both the Czech and the Saxon parts of the Ore Mountains. The research was aimed at examining the potential of the mining tradition for tourism and future territorial collaboration of Czechs and Saxons. The following questions were asked in the survey: What role can be played by the mining industry in cross-border cooperation? How is the mining tradition represented in the minds of Czechs and Saxons? What do local inhabitants know about this tradition and other traditions in the neighbouring country? What potential and what challenges does tourism in the Bohemian-Saxon border area create in terms of this tradition?
CS
Článek se zabývá problematikou hornictví a jeho významem pro současnou česko-saskou přeshraniční spolupráci. Stať prezentuje výsledky šetření, které bylo realizované v české i saské části Krušnohoří. Výzkum se zaměřoval na téma hornictví a na jeho potenciál pro přeshraniční aktivity, zejména v oblasti cestovního ruchu a širší územní spolupráci mezi Čechy a Sasy. Klademe si zde následující otázky: jakou úlohu sehrává hornictví v rámci přeshraniční spolupráce, jakým způsobem je hornická tradice zastoupena v povědomí Čechů a Sasů, co tamní obyvatelé znají o této tradici a o tradicích sousedské země a jaký potenciál a jaké deficity se vyskytují v rozvoji cestovního ruchu v souvislosti s její přítomností v česko-saském pohraničí.
2
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“The whole lot, Czechs, Magyars, Poles, Jugos, Roumanians, should be put in a bag and shaken up and then handed over to a decent Briton to administer.” A Contribution on the British Perception of Czech-German Relations in Czechoslovakia to 1933

100%
Novotný L.
Prague Papers on the History of International Relations
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2017
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issue 1
102-114
EN
The study uses unpublished sources from the National Archives in London and scientific literature to analyse the British Legation in Prague’s perception of Czech-German relations in Czechoslovakia up to 1933. After some initial fumbling caused by a lack of knowledge of the Central European region following the collapse of Austria-Hungary, responsible officials in London decided to wait for the outcome of the peace conference in Paris. At the same time, British diplomats acknowledged that they would have to rely on co-operation with France in the region, and as a result indirectly supported French claims and demands; once the peace conference had ended, however, Great Britain focused on its own issues and the affairs of its empire. At the start of the 1920s, the British diplomatic mission in Prague also settled in its position and the first Minister, George Clerk, provided unbiased information on Czech-German coexistence within Czechoslovakia, and partially acknowledged that both sides were right (he understood some of the Germans’ objections), but on the other hand he clearly recognised the new state and perceived its minorities policy as very accommodating, and respect ing international obligations. Following the calm period of the 1920s when even the British Legation in Prague remarked on the qualitative shift in relations between both ethnicities, the beginning of the 1930s arrived alongside the economic crisis, which transformed the domestic political situation within the First Czechoslovak Republic. According to British Minister, Joseph Addison, the position of the largest minority in the country had deteriorated, something he thought was due to the fact that Czechoslovak officials were breaching the Minority Treaty and were not doing enough for the wellbeing of its German population, and that this did not bode well for the future.
3
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Velká Británie, Německo a problém vybraných železnic v Číně v letech 1909–1910

100%
Novotný L.
Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century
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2016
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vol. 8
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issue 2
9-28
EN
The contribution, which is based on unpublished sources from the National Archives in London and the Political Archive in Berlin (Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts), aims to present and analyze the British and German view of the complicated question of railway-building in China at the end of the Qing Empire era — concretely in the years 1909–1910. The author will turn his attention to the British and German economic interests in this country with special regard to the building of the Chinese railways, which were conducted by foreign companies. He will define the construction of railways as a policy of following the political and economic interests of the Great Powers in China.
CS
Příspěvek, jež je založený na nepublikovaných zdrojích z Národního archivu v Londýně (National Archives Kew) a Politického archivu v Berlíně (Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts), se soustředí na prezentaci a analýzu britského a německého pohledu na složitou otázku výstavby železnice v Číně na konci éry dynastie Čching — konkrétně v letech 1909–1910. Autor soustředí pozornost na britské a německé ekonomické zájmy v této zemi se zvláštním zřetelem na požadavek výstavby čínské železnice, již budovaly propojené zahraniční společnosti. Charakterizuje výstavbu železnic jako politiku následování diplomatických a ekonomických zájmů velmocí v Číně.
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EVROPSKÁ OBČANSKÁ INICIATIVA JAKO NÁSTROJ ROZVOJE OBČANSKO-POLITICKÉ PARTICIPACE POHLEDEM KONCEPTU STRUKTURY POLITICKÝCH PŘÍLEŽITOSTÍ

63%
Novotný L., Maškarinec P.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2017
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vol. 49
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issue 1
81 – 108
EN
The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) is the institutional innovations that have sought to enhance the participatory nature of EU politics. This paper demonstrates that the current form of ECI is not a tool for active participation of citizens in shaping of the European politics. On the contrary, the practice of the ECI is totally at odds with the reasons why this tool was anchored in the Lisbon Treaty. Similarly, a high number of rejected registrations suggests, that the Commission itself sees that it is unable to solve the problem, or it is not willing to agree to enforce fundamental changes. Actually, there were registered only those initiatives that was focused on particulars. Thus, although the dynamic multilevel model of political opportunity structure might suggest that the ECI institutional settings is an example of an open international (European) political opportunity structure, our analysis showed, that, in practice, this is markedly closed political opportunity structure, mainly due to the influence of the Commission. Significant decrease of submitted ECI, after three years since the introduction of this institute, confirms that the initial euphoria of the involvement of citizens to the decision-making mechanisms of the EU does not take place, and instead of strengthening democratization and the creation of a common European political space, the ECI may act more in the direction of further deepening of the democratic deficit and alienating European citizens from the idea of a common Europe.
5
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The Attitude of the British Dominions to the Geneva Protocol

63%
Valkoun J., Novotný L.
Littera Scripta
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2017
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vol. 2
157-164
EN
The study is based on unpublished sources of British provenance and on scientific literature. It analyses the attitude of the British dominions to the suggested Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes (Geneva Protocol) in the autumn of 1924. Great Britain, as one of the main victors of the war, had to react to situations brought on by the new reality of the years following 1918. This primarily concerned its approach to the system of collective security that was constructed in order to prevent the horrors of war. The Geneva Protocol signified a certain climax in these efforts, in particular by France, who wanted to push through its views on collective security. After the victory of the Conservatives in the parliamentary elections in the autumn of 1924, it became clear that obligations such as compulsory arbitration or the possibility of the British Navy sailing out on behalf of the interests of the League of Nations were unacceptable to His Majesty’s Government.
6
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More to the People, Less to Brussels! Alternative for Germany and the 2014 European Parliament Elections

63%
Novotný L., Maškarinec P.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
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2018
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issue 2
5-23
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the determinants of electoral support for the Alternative for Germany, which gained 7.04% of the vote in the 2014 European Parliament elections. AfD is considered a right-wing populist protest party of a primarily Eurosceptic orientation. However, there has been no in-depth analysis of its electoral success based on statistical methods. The territories of former East and West Germany have been selected as unit of analysis, since different patterns of electoral behaviour can be expected to play a role in former Eastern Bloc and Western countries. We analyse voters’ political preferences and the question whether the success of the AfD could be better explained with reference to protest voting or issue voting. We conclude that while in West Germany both protest voting and issue voting can explain the success of the AfD, the priority of issue voting over protest voting was pronounced in East Germany, as the immigration issue proved to be a very strong and significant predictor of electoral support for the AfD. Thus, we once again confirm that differences in individual voting behaviour between West and East persist even a quarter century after the unification of Germany. It is thus apparent that the so-called Iron Curtain continues to function as a cleavage in contemporary German politics.
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