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Płock as a city of ‘immigration’ and ‘emigration’ in 2019

100%
White A.
Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego
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2021
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vol. 13
359-380
PL
Polska jest krajem z długą historią emigracji, ale dzisiaj ma ona także nową tożsamość jako “kraj imigracji”. Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań przeprowadzonych w 2019 r. wśród 26 Ukraińców i 6 osób z innych krajów, pracujących w Płocku. Analizuje przyczyny ich decyzji o przyjeździe właśnie do Płocka, a nie do innego miasta. Poszukuje także odpowiedzi na pytania, dlaczego zostają albo – w przypadku Ukraińców – kilka razy wracają do Płocka, nie szukając pracy w innych miastach.
EN
Poland is a country with a long history of emigration, but today it has a new identity as a ‘country of immigration’. The article presents findings from my research in 2019 among 26 Ukrainians and six other foreigners working in Płock. It analyses the reasons why they came particularly to Płock rather than to another city, and also why they have remained there, or – in the case of the Ukrainians – return several times to Płock, rather than seeking work in other cities.
2
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Aneta Słowik (2016) Transnarodowe sieci poradnicze polskich emigrantów. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej we Wrocławiu, ss. 176

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White A.
Studia Poradoznawcze
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2017
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vol. 6
3
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THE MOBILITY OF POLISH FAMILIES IN THE WEST OF ENGLAND: TRANSLOCALISM AND ATTITUDES TO RETURN

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White A.
|
2011
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vol. 37
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issue 1(139)
11-32
EN
I explore how working-class Polish parents come to identify with their new localities despite their limited command of English, building just a few, but necessary bridges into the English-speaking community, e.g. by learning to decipher letters from children’s schools, or attending English masses in the weeks between Polish ones. Despite the apparent sparseness of these ties, parents who have lived in Bath or Bristol for a few years already feel quite strong attachments to the local area and are not interested in moving elsewhere in England. Feelings of wanting to stay put are enhanced by parents’ exhaustion after the period of intense mobility by all parties while only the husband was working in the UK. Simultaneously, parents – usually both from the same place in Poland - maintain close ties with their original home locality. This is the only place to which they would consider return. Different family members are attached to that Polish locality to different degrees, but it seems uncommon for one to persuade the rest of the family to go back.
4
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New receiving countries and the European ‘mobility laboratory’: integration and family reunification aspirations among Ukrainians in Płock

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White A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2020
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vol. 46 (XLVI)
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issue 4 (178)
27-47
EN
Poland has recently become a country with net immigration, thanks largely to an influx of labour migrants from all over Ukraine. This begs the question of how similar its experiences will be to those of European countries which made the same migration transition in the 20th century. The article explores how recently-arrived Ukrainians experience life in a medium-sized Polish city, Płock, which has itself only recently achieved net international immigration. I argue that one should not overplay Poland’s status as a new receiving country, differentiating it from established receiving countries such as the UK. In fact, there are many parallels between the experiences of migrants in the UK and Poland, primarily linked to 21st century opportunities to establish dynamic transnational migration networks. All receiving countries need to adjust to this unexpected situation. For the Ukrainian factory workers interviewed in this study, its most important aspect is that the majority aspire to bring their families to Poland – just as Polish families rapidly reunited abroad in the aftermath of Poland’s EU accession.
5
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‘It was Worth Having a Go’ but ‘We Were Forced to Migrate’. Reconciling Contradictions in Poles’, Ukrainians’ and Belarusians’ Retrospective Accounts of their Migration Decision-Making

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White A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2025
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vol. 51 (LI)
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issue 1 (195)
37-54
EN
Based on semi-structured interviews which I conducted in Poland in 2019–24 with Ukrainians, Poles and Belarusians, this article discusses the motifs of coercion and volition in how interviewees talked about making decisions to migrate, move on or return. I try to unravel the apparently contradictory feelings with which they engaged in migration. On the one hand, they were participants in migration waves – large-scale movements of co-nationals which offered opportunities to migrate abroad with a certain security that someone they knew would be on hand to help. On the other hand, while acknowledging that they took such opportunities, sometimes on an experimental basis, labour migrants often say they felt ‘forced’ to migrate. They claim, apparently paradoxically, to have ‘decided’ (rather than ‘realised’) that migration was ‘necessary’. Their belief that they can decide for themselves implies a sense of agency, linked to the fact that neighbours and relatives are making similar choices. However, local migration cultures can act as constraints which make international migration seem ‘naturally’ preferable to livelihoods in their country of origin. The family is also a locus of control and women sometimes emphasised that they did not have a free choice: the household migration strategy was decided by their husband or partner.
6
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Dominika Pszczółkowska: How Migrants Choose their Destinations. Factors Influencing Post-EU Accession Choices and Decisions to Remain (Routledge, 2024: open access)

100%
White A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2024
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vol. 50 (L)
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issue 4 (194)
155-158
7
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UK Polish Saturday Schools and Civil Society During the Covid-19 Pandemic

63%
White A., Young S.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2022
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vol. 49 (XLIX)
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issue 1 (187)
15-29
EN
This article continues a theme recently raised in this journal by Małek (2019) and Krzyworzeka-Jelinowska (2019). It analyses the activism of Polish women living abroad, as headteachers, teachers and parents at Saturday schools, and demonstrates that Polish migrants are not as socially passive as sometimes assumed. We define civil society as ‘a society of active citizens, associating together and working for the collective good’. Our study of seven schools suggests that the Covid-19 lockdown stimulated some schools to broaden their activities as civil society organisations. Although some local links were weakened, for example because Polish Clubs were shut, the schools’ online activities expanded: more networking took place between headteachers UK-wide, and the schools reached out to a range of Polish and non-Polish organisations: locally; elsewhere in the UK; in Poland; and in third countries. Within the schools, the pandemic represented an opportunity to teach children about their civic responsibilities and involve parents more directly in children’s education. However, the lockdown also raised difficulties for all Saturday schools, not just Polish ones, when their credentials as ‘educational’ organisations seemed challenged by both UK government policy and some mainstream schools.
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