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System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy

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Fedorowicz K.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2012
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issue 2
115-130
EN
The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.
2
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Białoruś wobec pandemii COVID-19. Praktyka i realia

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Fedorowicz K.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2021
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issue 4
101-112
EN
The article’s aim is to present the approaches of the authorities of the Republic of Belarus toward the COVID-19 pandemic. The main research hypothesis is that Belarus decided to consciously ignore the emerging epidemiological threat from the beginning of the pandemic by adopting a strategy of appeasing the society and downplaying the global danger. Based on the data analysis, it has been proved that most Belarusians during the COVID-19 pandemic completely lost their trust in the state and its authorities, which in their opinion turned out to be unable to protect their citizens against the negative (health, economic) effects of the pandemic.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawione podejścia władz Republiki Białoruś wobec pandemii COVID-19. Główna hipoteza badawcza przyjęta przez autora głosi, iż Białoruś od początku pandemii zdecydowała się na świadome ignorowanie pojawiającego się zagrożenia epidemiologicznego, przyjmując strategię uspokajania społeczeństwa i bagatelizowania globalnego niebezpieczeństwa. Na podstawie analizy danych dowiedziono, iż większość Białorusinów podczas pandemii COVID-19 całkowicie utraciło zaufanie do państwa i jego organów, które ich zdaniem okazały się niezdolne do podjęcia ochrony swoich obywateli przed negatywnymi skutkami (zdrowotnymi, ekonomicznymi) pandemii.
3
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Polska i Białoruś – trudne sąsiedztwo. Polityka „krytycznego dialogu” wobec autorytarnej Białorusi

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Fedorowicz K.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2012
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issue 3
169-196
EN
For over ten years Polish-Belarusian political relations have been characterized by a lack of opportunities for real collaboration, caused by the non-democratic nature of the Belarusian political system. The international isolation of its authoritarian regime also influences bilateral relations. In the period from 1996–2008 Poland adopted a principle of critical dialogue in its policy towards Belarus. This implied official criticism of the infringement of human rights and breaking of democratic rules while refraining from a total abandonment of dialogue with the Belarusian authorities, although the level and intensity of this dialogue was significantly diminished. It was assumed that the complete isolation of the Belarusian authorities was not in Polish interests and preferential treatment would help to ensure the fundamental rights of the Polish minority in Belarus. This policy turned out to be ineffective, though, in relation to a state that does not acknowledge the basic principles and laws of international relations. To a large extent, the specific character of the Belarusian political system has been, and will remain, the greatest obstacle in the further development of Polish-Belarusian relations, and will significantly restrict the possibility of building good relations in the future.  
4
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Służby specjalne w systemie ustrojowym Armenii

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Fedorowicz K.
Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 43
36-59
EN
The article presents the role and place of secret services in the political system of Armenia. The following publication tries to answer the question of whether secret services are subordinate to the interests of the state. Presents complicated political conditions of Armenia and their impact on the creation and functioning of secret services. The article indicated been selected examples of interference of special services in the political life of Armenia and the cooperation of the special services of Armenia and Russia.
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