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EN
The non-aggression pact and secret additional protocol from 23 August 1939 is among the historical events of the twentieth century that had the furthest-reaching consequences in terms of politics, ideology and the culture of remembrance. No other bilateral treaty so deeply influenced the fate of more states, nations and minority groups in Europe, primar¬ily in East Central Europe, than the Hitler–Stalin Pact. The date 23 August 1939, when Europe was divided into one National Socialist and one Soviet half in the state politics of history and in the culture of remembrance of the public and civil society, is virtually absent in Western Europe and the US. In East Central Europe, particularly in those states which were directly affected by the Pact and which found themselves on the eastern side of the Iron Curtain after 1945, the liberation from Nazi Germany is often interpreted as a replacement of the brown dictatorship by the red. The text starts with an overview of trends and topics in the international historiography on the Hitler–Stalin Pact, continues with a reflection on the spatially differentiated naming of the pact, which leads to a discussion of the pact’s different role as a lieux de mémoire in the US and Western Europe, in East Central and Eastern Europe. The international law dimension of the pact is discussed in the context of recent events, like the annexation of the Crimea.
EN
Uses and Abuses of the Past. The Politics of History and Cultures of Remembrance in East-Central and Southeastern Europe (1791 to 1989) The ‘long’ 19th century and the wars of the ‘short’ 20th century decisively shaped the cultures of remembrance of the national societies and nation-states of East-Central and Southeastern Europe. The national liberation movements, the wars of 1912/14–1918, the founding of new states in 1918–19, the turn to authoritarian rule in the late 1920s and the war years of 1939/41–1944/45 continue to shape – together with the legacy of communism and medieval myths – the collective memory of contemporary Poles, Hungarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Romanians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Serbs, Macedonians, Croats and others. If Oskar Halecki and Jenő Szűcs have identified a historical meso-region of a ‘wider’ East-Central Europe characterized by common structural features, one can also identify a post-imperial and post-communist ‘community of memory’ between Plžen and Poltava, Tallinn and Thessaloniki. This shaping of the past in people’ s minds has taken place in a threefold manner. First, the individual memory of quite a number of people who had experienced World War II, the interwar period and even the ‘three’ Balkans Wars is still alive. These memories differ substantially depending on ethnicity, political affiliation back then, and on present-day political needs. Those hunted during the Second World War record rather different memories than those who participated in ethnic cleansing, for example. There have been floods of memoirs written about the recent past throughout the region. Second, in these until rather recently non-literate but ‘oral’ societies family memory continues to play an important role – a role that was strengthened considerably under the decades of communism when memories not compatible with the official master narrative were suppressed. And third – and perhaps most importantly – the post-1989/91 governments’ uses and abuses of the past are primarily an iteration of the ‘politics of history’ propagated by governments of the interwar period and earlier.
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