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The KAŊ verbal form in Basse Mandinka – structure and meaning

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Andrason A.
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis
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2015
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vol. 129
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issue 1
PL
The present article rectifies a noticeable lacuna in the analysis of the Mandinka verbal system and offers a detailed discussion of the meaning of the KAŊ locution (i.e. of the analytical expression be + infinitive + kaŋ) as well as a presentation of its most relevant structural properties. First, the author demonstrates that there are no structural or contextual restrictions on the use of the formation. It may be employed in all kinds of environments: transitive and intransitive or affirmative and negative. It likewise tolerates various types of roots, admitting dynamic, static and adjectival predicates. Second, in respect to the semantic content, although the progressive value of the periphrasis clearly predominates various refinements are necessary. The progressive meaning – limited to the present and past temporal sphere – can also be also portrayed as repeated and frequentative. Adjectival predicates are invariably employed with a dynamic transitory-ingressive force. However, certain static verbs employed in the KAŊ form regularly denote continuous situations. Additionally, the periphrasis may indicate general, durative and extended in time activities, corresponding to Indo-European simple tenses. Finally, it also appears with the force of an inclusive perfect.
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A pseudo-coordinated serial verb construction “wziąć i V2” in Polish

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Andrason A.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2019
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vol. 80
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issue 3
163-191
EN
This article argues that a double-verb construction built around the verb wziąć and the element i – the so-called J(uncture)-WZIĄĆ gram – is a less canonical Serial Verb Construction (SVC). The gram complies with all the traits postulated as inherent to the prototype of SVCs with one noticeable exception – it exhibits an element that is homophonous with the conjunctive coordinator i ‘and’. However, i in the J-WZIĄĆ gram is not a true coordinator, nor is the J-WZIĄĆ gram a genuine coordinated structure. Rather, i functions as a dummy juncture, and the J-WZIĄĆ gram constitutes an example of pseudo-coordination – a stage on the grammaticalization path from coordination to verbal serialization.
3
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From Coordination to Verbal Serialization – the PÓJŚĆ (Serial Verb) Construction in Polish

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Andrason A.
Research in Language
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2018
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vol. 16
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issue 1
19-46
EN
The present paper studies the PÓJŚĆ gram in Polish – a construction composed of the verb pójść ‘walk’ and another inflected verb. The author demonstrates that the PÓJŚĆ can be represented as a set of stages on the path linking bi-clausality/bi-verbiness and monoclausal/mono-verbiness. Specifically, it spans the section ranging from a non-canonical, less cohesive instantiation of a serial verb construction (SVC) (in which it overlaps with asyndetic coordination) to a canonical instantiation of SVC (in which it complies with the SVC prototype to a large extent). Accordingly, the study corroborates the view that SVCs may derive from asyndetic coordination and, by accumulating properties associated with different parts of the clausality/verbiness continuum, gradually develop towards SVC. This gradualness is not only diachronic, but may also be observed synchronically.
4
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The semantics of the Vilamovicean verbal system (part 2: Explanation and modeling)

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Andrason A.
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis
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2014
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vol. 131
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issue 1
PL
The present study – divided into two papers – provides an analysis of the semantics of the Vilamovicean verbal system within a cognitive and grammaticalization framework. On the one hand, the author offers a detailed description of the entire semantic potential of all the verbal constructions available in the language and, on the other, provides an explanation for the senses conveyed by each one of these forms – more specifically, it is demonstrated that the semantic sphere of every gram can be explained and, hence, unified by making use of typologically common evolutionary scenarios, viz. paths. Consequently, the author shows that the entire Vilamovicean verbal system can be modeled as a recursive process of grammaticalization “waves” whereby older and newer forms evolve along a set of identical paths. This paper constitutes the second part of the series. It provides an explanation of the semantic potentials offered by the Vilamovicean verbal formations and designs a cognitive-grammaticalization model of the entire verbal system of this language.
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The semantics of the Vilamovicean verbal system (part 1: Empirical study)

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Andrason A.
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis
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2013
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vol. 130
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issue 1
PL
The present study – divided into two papers – provides an analysis of the semantics of the Vilamovicean verbal system within a cognitive and grammaticalization framework. On the one hand, the author offers a detailed description of the entire semantic potential of all the verbal constructions available in the language and, on the other, provides an explanation for the senses conveyed by each one of these forms – more specifically, it is demonstrated that the semantic sphere of every gram can be explained and, hence, unified by making use of typologically common evolutionary scenarios, viz. paths. Consequently, the author shows that the entire Vilamovicean verbal system can be modeled as a recursive process of grammaticalisation “waves” whereby older and newer forms evolve along a set of identical paths. This article constitutes the first part of the series. It includes a discussion of methodological issues and an empirical study in which the semantic potentials of all the Vilamovicean verbal grams are determined.
6
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The meaning of the NAATA + infinitive construction in basse mandinka

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Andrason A.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2012
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vol. 54
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issue 1
7-19
EN
Alexander Andrason. The Meaning of the NAATA + Infinitive Construction in Basse Mandinka. Lingua P osnaniensis, vol. L IV (1)/2012. T he P oznań Society for the A dvancement of the A rts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-103-7, pp. 7-19. Purpose: T he present paper aims at providing a detailed description of values and uses offered by the NAATA form - an analytic Mandinka construction formed by means of the auxiliary naa ‘come’, employed itself in the so-called ‘TA tense’, and the infinitive of the main “meaning” verb. In that manner, we intend to rectify an important lacuna in grammatical studies of the Mandinka language which have almost entirely ignored the issue of the NAATA locution. Method: A detailed map of the semantic content of the NAATA form will be designed, specifying its temporal, taxis, aspectual and modal implications, as well as certain textual properties. A ll the values will be illustrated by instructive examples provided by ten native Mandinka speakers (i.e. residents of Basse and neighboring villages: Manne K unda, Bassending, Mansajang and K aba K ama) and collected by the author in 2010 and 2011. Results: T he evidence shows that the meaning of the NAATA construction corresponds to a present perfect (resultative, iterative, inclusive, experiential and indefinite), to a past tense (immediate, recent, general and remote) and to a perfective aspect (punctual, terminative and ingressive; less commonly the locution approximates a simple past). A dditionally, the formation expresses certain modal concepts, such as non-intentionality, accidentality or spontaneity of a corresponding perfect or past event. A s far as textual properties are concerned, the NAATA form is found both in discourse and narration, being able in the latter case to introduce events of the narrative foreground. Conclusion: T he author demonstrates that the values displayed by the construction (with an exception of the modal senses) can be connected and a definition, which exceeds a simple inventory of uses, may be provided if one views the locution from a dynamic evolutionary perspective, i.e. as a manifestation of one of the developmental scenarios governing the grammatical evolution of original resultative constructions, namely as a realization of the anterior path. Furthermore, the modal senses of the NAATA form may be related to the anterior trajectory (and to its meanings-stages) if we make use of the evidential path, an evolutionary possibility which links the grammatical life of resultatives with determined modal domains. T his latter proposition, however, needs a more profound analysis and will constitute one of the research activities, conducted by the author in the future.
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NOMINAL KAŊ FORM IN BASSE MANDINKA – ITS COGNITIVE MAPPING AND TAXONOMICAL STATUS (PART 1)

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Andrason A.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2013
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vol. 55
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issue 1
7-19
EN
The present study, divided into a series of two papers, provides a detailed empirical description and cognitive-grammaticalization analysis of the meaning of a Mandinka verbal expression compounded of the non-verbal predicator be ‘be’, a verbal noun expressing a given action and the postposition kaŋ ‘on, at’ (so-called the Nominal KAŊ form). Method: The author follows the cognitive approach to verbal semantics which consists first of determining the exact range of contextually induced senses and next of unifying such values into a consistent map based upon certain diachronic universals or grammaticalization paths. Results: The synchronic inventory of senses of the Nominal KAŊ form (i.e. progressive, continuous, progressive-iterative, iterative, habitual and durative values) shows that this construction can be mapped using the imperfective path as a template of chaining. This mapping, hypothesized on the ground of synchronic semantic evidence and typological diachronic laws, is next corroborated by the structural properties of the Nominal KAŊ locution, especially by its locative and nominal character. Conclusion: All the evidence enables the author to semantically define the NomKAŊ form as a nonadvanced imperfective path. Part 1: In the first article of the series, the author deals with methodological issues and with an empirical study where he determines the precise extent of the semantic potential of the Nominal KAŊ form.
8
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Nominal KAŊ form in Basse Mandinka: Its cognitive mapping and taxonomical status (Part 2)

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Andrason A.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2015
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vol. 56
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issue 2
7-18
EN
Purpose: T he present study, divided into a series of two papers, provides a detailed empirical description and cognitive-grammaticalization analysis of the meaning of a Mandinka verbal expression compounded of the non-verbal predicator be ‘be’, a verbal noun expressing a given action and the postposition kaŋ ‘on, at’ (so-called the Nominal KAŊ form). Method: T he author follows the cognitive approach to verbal semantics which consists first of determining the exact range of contextually induced senses and next of unifying such values into a consistent map based upon certain diachronic universals or grammaticalization paths. Results: T he synchronic inventory of senses of the Nominal KAŊ form (i.e. progressive, continuous, progressive-iterative, iterative, habitual and durative values) shows that this construction can be mapped using the imperfective path as a template of chaining. This mapping, hypothesized on the ground of synchronic semantic evidence and typological diachronic laws, is next corroborated by the structural properties of the Nominal KAŊ locution, especially by its locative and nominal character. Conclusion: A ll the evidence enables the author to semantically define the NomKAŊ form as a nonadvanced imperfective-path gram. Part 1: In the second article of the series, the author designs the map of the semantic potential of the Nominal KAŊ locution and corroborates it by analyzing formal properties of this construction
9
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Is the “BE compound tense” in Xhosa (Nguni) a Serial Verb Construction, or not?

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Andrason A.
Linguistica Copernicana
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2018
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vol. 15
EN
Developed within the dynamic, cognitive approach to categorization, the present article analyzes the taxonomical status of the BE gram in Xhosa (Nguni, Bantu) within the category of Serial Verb Constructions (SVC). By testing the BE gram for the features associated with the SVC prototype, the author concludes the following: the full type of the BE gram can be viewed as a minimally less canonical member of the SVC category, whereas  the contracted type constitutes its non-canonical instantiation. The categorial difference between the two types stems from their dissimilar advancement on the grammaticalization path leading from less cohesive to more cohesive schemas. The study furthermore indicates that the typological category of SVCs has another diachronic input apart from coordination – namely, syntactic dependency.
PL
Czas złożony z formą BE w języku Xhosa (Nguni, Bantu) jako szeregowa konstrukcja czasownikowaW artykule przestawiono kognitywną analizę statusu taksonomicznego konstrukcji BE w języku Xhosa (Nguni, Bantu) w ramach typologicznej teorii czasowników szeregowych (serial verb construction). Porównanie omawianej konstrukcji z prototypem czasowników szeregowych dowodzi, iż podtyp “pełny” konstrukcji BE jest kanonicznym reprezentantem kategorii czasowników szeregowych, podczas gdy podtyp “skrócony” jest reprezentantem niekanonicznym. Różnica taksonomiczna między dwoma podtypami wynika z niejednolitego postępu w gramatykalizacji wiodącej od konstrukcji niespójnych do konstrukcji spójnych. Artykuł ukazuje, iż obok współrzędnych, konstrukcje podrzędne i zależne mogą stanowić źródło diachroniczne kategorii czasowników szeregowych.
10
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Affordances perspective and grammaticalization: Incorporation of language, environment and users in the model of semantic paths

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Andrason A., Visser M.
Studies in Second Language Learning and Teaching
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2015
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vol. 5
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issue 4
663-696
EN
The present paper demonstrates that insights from the affordances perspective can contribute to developing a more comprehensive model of grammaticalization. The authors argue that the grammaticalization process is afforded differently depending on the values of three contributing parameters: the factor (schematized as a qualitative-quantitative map or a wave of a gram), environment (understood as the structure of the stream along which the gram travels), and actor (narrowed to certain cognitive-epistemological capacities of the users, in particular to the fact of being a native speaker). By relating grammaticalization to these three parameters and by connecting it to the theory of optimization, the proposed model offers a better approximation to realistic cases of grammaticalization: The actor and environment are overtly incorporated into the model and divergences from canonical grammaticalization paths are both tolerated and explicable.
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A contribution to the documentation of a nearly extinct language – Present Tense morphology in Modern Vilamovicean

63%
Andrason A., Król T.
Studia Linguistica
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2014
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issue 33
7 - 22
EN
The present paper documents one of the most relevant aspects of the grammar of Modern Vilamovicean, a Germanic language that is on the verge of extinction. Based upon extensive, original field research, the article provides an exhaustive description of the morphology of the Present Tense, presenting all its characteristics: personal endings (regular endings, endings that are found in verbs that end in a dental consonant and endings that appear in praeterito-praesentia verbs), agglutination of personal pronouns (suffixed and prefixed forms), modifications of the stem (alternation er/yn), changes in the root vowel (lengthening, diphthongization, various types of vowel mutation and ablaut) and irregularity of the conjugational pattern of three auxiliary verbs (zåjn, hon and wada/wan).
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